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The J 904 Republican 



SAVINGS 

DEPOSITS 



© LO 



CHECKING 

ACCOUNTS 



NHTIONHL 



CERTIFICATES 
OF DEPOSIT 



BHNK 



MONEY 

ORDERS 



0PP0SITE P0ST ©FFieE, PROYIOENeE 



Statement of Condition 

July 15, 1904 



Resources 

Loans and Discounts $1,453,867 37 

United States and other Bonds and 

Securities 1,197,210 00 

Banking House . 185,000 00 

Due from Banks 821,516 69 

Cash 212,516 52 

Due from United States Treasurer, 10,000 00 

Total . . . $3,880,110 58 

Liabilities 

Capital Stock . . . ' $500,000 00 

Surplus and Profits 102,560 64 

Currency in Circulation .... 200,000 00 

Deposits 3,077,549 94 

Total . . . $3,880,110 58 



The Savings Department of this Bank has the usual 
advantages of Savings Banks with the additional 
security of the Capital and Surplus. The Commercial 
Department receives deposits subject to check at sight* 
Interest Allowed in Both Departments : : : : 



The \ 904 Republican 



T 



*3 



Alexander Brothers 



Wholesale 

Grocers 



* 



Cor. Custom House and Dyer Sfs., Providence, R. I. 



*> 



Distributing Agents for 

"Ben Hur" Flour, "Bridal Veil" Flour 
" Cruikshanks" Pickles and Preserves 

Fort Stanwix "Flag Brand" Canned Vegetables 
"Silver Cord" Canned and Evaporated Fruits 



M, 



.J3 



The J904 Republican 



Isaac L. Goff Company 



Real Estate Agents 

All kinds of property in all sections of the 
city at low prices and easy terms. 

General Insurance Agents 

State Agents for Manhattan Life Insurance 
Company, Standard Life and Accident In- 
surance Company, and representing thirty of 
the most reliable fire insurance companies 

Home Builders 

We are the largest builders of modern homes 
in Rhode Island. We employ the best of 
workmen and very best of material. It is no 
boast to say that in this respect we are be- 
yond competition. 

Land Developers 

We developed Washington Park and other 
parks too numerous to mention in this city 
and state. People who are wise locate on 
our plats. 

Architects and Designers 

We design our own plans and have hundreds 
of plans ready made from the latest designs 
for people to look at. 

We Solicit Your Patronage for the above 



171 Westminster Street, Providence, R. I. 



The *904 Republican 



TJ 



New England Butt Co. 



1 



oundcrs and 
Machinists 



s 



$ 



BRAIDING MACHINERY 

INSULATED 
WIRE MACHINERY 



Providence 



• • 



Rhode Island 



SL. 



JS 



The J904 Republican 





NICHOLSON 
FILE COMPANY 

GENERAL OFFICES 

PROVIDENCE, R. I. 3 U. S. A. 



Files 





NICHOLSON 
KEARNEY & FOOT 
ARCADE 
AMERICAN 
GREAT WESTERN 



McCLELLAN 

EAGLE 

J. B. SMITH 

"X. F." 

GOLD MEDAL 




The 1904 Republican 



sr 



ESTABLISHED 1836 



BURROWS I KENYON 



WHOLESALE AND RETAIL 
DEALERS IN 



LUMBER 



* 



OF ALL KINDS 



Corner of Dean and Washington Streets 
Providence, R. L 

Telephone 2037 



North Carolina Pine and Cypress a specialty 



5, 



JB 






10 



The 1904 Republican 



Time Saved is Money Earned 



It is an acknowledged fact 
in all lines of business that 
there is no time saver equal to 



The Long-Distance Telephone 



An investment of ten cents 
per day lists your name with 
those of thousands of up-to- 
date business men who rec- 
ognize the worth of telephone 
service as a valuable asset 



Providence Telephone Company 



<! 



The 1904 Republican 11 



AUTOCRAT 



TRADE-MARK 



JAVA 



COFFEE 






> 



Roasted and Packed by 



Brownell & Field Co. 

Providence, R. I. 



The J904: Republican 



13 



G orb am Silver 

The World' * s Standard 

... for ... 

Merit and Quality 



TRADE MARK 




k^ 




w 



E have an exclusive display for wedding 
gifts, including 



Tea Sets Dinner Ware 

Candle Sticks Candelabra 

Coffee Sets Fruit, Berry, and Salad Bowls 

Vases Decanters, etc. 

Also, the newest designs in 

Knives Forks Spoons 

and Serving Pieces 

Tilden -Thurber Go. 

Sole Representatives in Providence, R. I. 



14 



The J 904 Republican 



THE, GAS RANGE, 

AND 



i 



GAS WATLR = HEATLR 

Once a Luxury now a 
Household Necessity 

You cannot err in choosing a 
Gas Range or Gas Water -Heater, 
because in no other city of the 
United States are there more 
varieties of approved Gas Ranges 
and Water Heaters to select from 
than those offered by the Provi- 
dence Gas Co., and by them guar- 
anteed to purchasers. 
The Gas Range and Gas Water- 
Heater to-day occupies a place in 
every well-regulated household, — 
not as a luxury to lighten the 
drugery of household care, but as 
an absolute necessity with nothing 
to take its place. 

Please call and see the assortment 
of High-grade Ranges and Water 
Heaters at our 



Gas Appliance Department 



Open Saturday 

Evenings 



No. 353 Westminster Street 

Hoppin Homestead Building 
Providence Gas Co. 



The 1904 Republican 15 



Established 1849 Incorporated 1890 

J. BRIGGS £ SONS CO. 

65 Clifford Street, ProDidence, R. I. 



MANUFACTURERS OF 



gom and sneer Rolled Plate 



Seamless Wire and Tubing 



Square, Flat and Fancy Wires of all 
kinds. Gold on the side and gold 
on the edge wire. Striped Plate. All 
colors and karats of flat plate, any 
width and thickness desired. Gold, 
silver and brass solders. We make, 
in addition to all kinds of plate and 
wire used in the manufacture of 
Jewelry, stock especially adapted to 
the manufacture of 

Cane Heads Watch Cases Spectacles and 

Umbrella Mountings Watch Crowns Eue-Glass Botes 

Pencil Cases Thimbles Diamond Mountings, etc. 



16 The 1904 Republican 



A. Carpenter & Sons Foundry Co 

272 West Exchange Street 
Providence, R. I. 



FIRE AND LIABILITY 



Insurance 



Spencer <S Boss 

29 Weybosset Street 

Providence, R. I 



? 



The 1904 Republican 17 



^ueen Dyeing Company 

Providence, R. I. 



.--- 



18 The 1904 Republican 

Iftortbwestern 

flfoutual Xife ITnsurance Company 

STRONGEST 

SAFEST 

BEST 

JESSE M. WHEELOCK, General Agent 

For Rhode Island and Southeastern Massachusetts 
801-804 Union Trust Bldg. Providence, R. I. 

Robert B. Treat, President and Treasurer John B. Allen, Vice-President 

George H. Webb, Secretary 

Manufacturers Fuel Company 

of Rhode Island 

ANTHRACITE I ^t 1 /\ f 



COAL 



Sole State Agents for 
MILTRENA Pocahontas and New River Steam Coal 

Buckweat Steam Coal, Cannel Coal, Coke 
Lehigh, Scranton, Franklin 
EDNA Westmorland Gas Coal 

Banigan Building Providence, R. L 

Telephone, 620 Union 



The 1904 Republican 



19 



Standard Mill Supply Co 



39 Exchange Place 



Providence, R. I, 



CRANSTON WORSTED MILLS 

BRISTOL, R. I. 



** . 




i | a i i ■ Si ****** 




♦ ^ 




Worsted and Mohair Yarns — white or colors, in skeins, on spools, 
cones, or shuttle bobbins. 

Novelty Yarns of Mohair and Worsted. We are the only manufac- 
turers in the United States making these yarns from the raw 
material to finished product and making yarns only. 

Genapped Yarns of all kinds. Doup Yarns. Harness Yarns. For 
Braids, etc. 

DYERS OF YARN AND SLUBBING 



20 The \ 904 Republican 



COAL 



HNTHRflGITE U , BITUHIIPUS 



Office and Yard 
Corner Dorrance and Dyer Streets 

Telephone 1807 

Central Office 
Custom House and Weybosset Streets 

Telephone 2007 

PROVIDENCE COAL CO. 



Eagle Brewing Company 

Providence, R* L 



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f 



The \ 904 Republican 



21 



Established 1814 
W. D. Cornell, President John P. Farnsworth, Treasurer 

Providence 

Dyeing, Bleaching and Calendering 

Company 

Providence . . Rhode Island 



**: 




Bleachers and Finishers 

of Shirtings, Lawns, Nainsooks, Butter and Cheese 

Cloth, Handkerchiefs, White and Colored 

Border; special attention given to 

Fine Dress Goods and Lawns 

for Hemstiching 

CAPACITY— 20 TONS PER DAY 



22 The J904 Republican 

JAMES H. TOWER 



MANUFACTURER OF 



STE,E,L BRIDGETS 

Girders, Roof Trusses, Fire Escapes, 
Fences, Cells, Prison Work, and all kinds 
of Structural and Ornamental Iron Work 

Beams, Channels, Tees, Angles and Plates in Stock 
Designs Furnished 

46 to 60 Borden Street, Providence, R.I. 



Manchester & Hudson 

"Wholesale and Retail Dealers in 

Masons' Materials 

of all kinds 




Office and Yard 

55 Point Street Providence, R. I. 



The J904 Republican 23 

"852 KNOWLES 1904 

We make a general line of 
Sterling Silver Tableware of 
which we carry samples at 
factory, ready for your in- 
spection. The quality and 
workmanship of our goods 
are above question and our 
prices are reasonable. 
We respectfully solicit your 
patronage. 

J. B. & S. M. KNOWLES CO. 

91 SABIN STREET 

PROVIDENCE, R. I. 



POTTER & COMPANY 
Decorators 

and 

Furnishers 

Forty Dorrance St. Providence, R. I. 

WILLIAM H. MILLER & SONS 

'Blacksmiths 

Machine and Tool Forging of all kinds 
We also keep in stock Jessop's Tool Steel 

194 to 202 Eddy Street Providence, R. I. 



24 The 1904 Republican 

KNIGHT, FYANS, FRASER 
& BLACKWAY CO. 

Dealers in New and Second-hand 

Cotton Mill 
Machinery 

Complete Plants Bought and Sold 

We always have a large lot of 
Good Cotton Machinery on hand 
and can furnish An Entire Mill 
with Modern Equipment 

We are also dealers in Power Transmission Machinery 
All Kinds of Special Machinery Built to 
Order. Mill Repairs of every description 

83-95 Anawan Street, Fall River, Mass. 

Also Chamber of Commerce Bldg., Providence, R. 1. 
WRITE FOR LIST OF MACHINERY 



I 



The J904 Republican 



25 



This will introduce to you 



Some of My Specialties 




Horizontal Cloth DoublinJ, \Yerfical Cloth Doubling, 
Measuring tfmhdinj Machineyfeasurt^ 

Joseph J. Scmimw 

DesiGMBR & Builder of 

Special Machinery 

Cotton S> Woolen Mills, 
Bleacher ies <S> Print Works. ^ 

w^® 232 DYER ST., PROV/DENCE. 

Automatic Feeders for Cloth Dryers & Tenfering Machines 






ON 




OFF 



Impro/ed Portable 



mSTSSKSr" JSSH& *Sz%gB 



26 



The \ 904 Republican 



THE 



WHITIN MACHINE WORKS 

WHITINSVILLE, MASS. 
Builders of 

Cotton Machinery 




Revolving Flat Card 



Cards Combing Machines Twisters 

Railway Heads Drawing Frames Reels 

Sliver Lap Machines Spinning Frames Long Chain Quillers 

Ribbon Lap Machines Spoolers Looms 



Southern Agent - STUART W. CRAMER 

Trust Building, CHARLOTTE, N. C. 
Equitable Building, ATLANTA, GA. 



The \ 904 Republican 



27 




/ 



MECHANICAL FABRIC CO. 







MANUFACTURERS OF 



Rubber Thread 
Card Cloths 
Air Mattresses 

and 

Cushions 

and other 

Rubber Specialties 







40 SPRAGUE STREET, PROVIDENCE, R. I 





28 



The J904 Republican 




MANUFACTURERS 



SHOE AND CORSET LACES 
PROVIDENCE, R. I. 



The 1904 Republican 



29 



We make more 



Cheap Jewelry 



Than any House in 
the World 



Smith "Bros. 

Providence, R. I. 



Providence Engineering Works 

Providence, R. I. 




Builders of Rice & Sargent Engines 

and Schmidt Patent Superheaters 
Engineers and General Contractors 



30 The J904 Republican 



Established 1873 



Rhode Island Printing Co 



CHARLES C. GRAY, Proprietor 



General Printers 



60 Weybosset Street Providence, R. I. 



THE 



James Hanlcy Brewing Company 

Brewers of High-grade 

Ales and Porter 

Brewery, Jackson and Fountain Streets 
Providence, R. I. 



The J904 Republican 



31 



ONEY *i 

TO LOAN 



ON, 
HOUSEHOLD 

PIANOS, 
ANDDfAMOl 
WILLIAM H. 

86 DORRANCE 57. c°»WEYBOSSET.l 



JAPtR, 



Tripp & Olsen 
Tailors 



No* 94 Westminster Street 



Providence, R* L 



John E. Good 



Fine Family 



[Jiquors 



39 to 47 Fountain Street 

Branch Store 
839 to 841 Westminster St. 

Providence. R. I. 



Authorized bottler 

of 

Hanley's Peerless Ales 



ejfcer 
'(Sm|)anf 




Isaac Crocker, Manager 
Wholesale and Retail 

RUBBER GOODS 

Largest Wholesale Rubber House in Rhode Island 



Rubber Coats, Boots and Shoes, Mackintoshes, 
Rain-Coats, Police Capes, Motormen's Coats, Oil 
Coats, Rubber Hats, Oil Hats, Rubber Aprons, 
Oil Aprons, Rubber Sheeting, Rubber Collars, 
Umbrellas. 

Branch Stores in 

Lawrence, Lowell and Brockton, Mass. 




Hon. Nelson W. Aldrich 
Senior Senator from Rhode Island 




Senator GEORGE PEABODY WETMORE 



The J9(M Republican 







OPEN A BANK ACCOUNT WITH 

ONE DOLLAR S£ 

CENTRAL TRUST COMPANY 

17! WESTMINSTER ST., PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

WiJl furnish FREE to every depositor A .STEEL SAVINGS BANK 
like the one shown above. j& & & j& Call and get one. 



The \ 904 Republican 



Contents 

America in the Philippines Hon. A. W. Fergnsson * 

Business Opportunities in the Philippines Capt. F. E. Greene v 

"What Roosevelt Says (Supplement 1904 Republican), Congressional Record 
President Roosevelt's Letter of Acceptance (Supplement 1904 Republican) 
Answer to Criticism of Republican Position- • Hon. Charles H. Grosvenor 
The Conflict between Capital and Capitalization . Hon. Jonathan P.Dolliver *f 

Protection and Prosperity Hon. Edward L. Hamilton * 

Prosperity under Protection Hon. Charles E. Littlefield 

Free Trade and Protection Compared Hon. James T. McCleary u^ 

Government Expenditures Hon. Nelson IV. Aldrich \ 

Brief Tariff History Hon. James T. McClenry * 

The Republican Party (Supplement 1904 Republican). . .Hon. J oh n Hay 

The Republican Party of To-Day as an Effective Governing Force 

(Supplement 1904 Republican) Hon. Elihu Root 

Elevation of Labor 

(Supplement 1904 Republican) . . .' Hon. Charles H. Grosvenor 

Speech of Acceptance 

(Supplement 1904 Republican) President Theodore Roosevelt 

Roosevelt's Military Record (Supplement 1904 Republican) 



Guide Publishing Company, Providence, R. I. 



The J904 Republican 



18*3 



LED I 8*S 



Mmta 



LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY/ 
of NEW YORK 

V BKHARDA.M5CUHW Presiding 



1904 



OLDEST 

IN AMERICA 



LARGEST 
IN THE WORLD 



Issued Its First Policy 

In the days of John Tyler, February 1st, 1843, 
when its assets were sound principles and 
methods, and wisdom, energy and good faith. 
* holds the same assets, strength- 
ralleled success for over sixty- 
one years— having paid its policy holders more 
than $637,000,000 and holding in trust for 
them a safety fund of more than $401,000,000. 

ssets or safety fund of this 
company tnrougn tne successive administrations is 
shown over the Presidents' picture! 

Rates for the most desirable forms of Investment 
insurance will be furnished free on application. 



FREDERICK H. JACKSON, Manager 

For the State of Rhode Island and 
Bristol County, State of Massachusetts 

Room 202, Industrial Trust Co. Building 
PROVIDENCE R. I. 




President THEODORE ROOSEVELT 

OF NEW YORK 




Senator CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS 

of indiana 

Republican Nominee for Vice-President 



m \ 


^^IfW*** 


M 


-;■' £;** 




* . 


- srr - 



Secretary of State JOHN HAY 

OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA 




Secretary of the Treasury LESLIE M. SHAW 

OF IOWA 




Secretary of War WILLIAM H. TAFT 

OF OHIO 




Attorney General and former Secretary of the Navy 
WILLIAM H. MOODY 

OF MASSACHUSETTS 




Secretary of the Navy PAUL MORTON 

OF NEBRASKA 




Copyright, 1002, by Geo. Prince 



Hon. ELIHU ROOT 

of new york 

Former Secretary of War 




Hon. GEORGE B. CORTELYOU 

of new york 

Chairman of the Republican National Committee 




Hon. JOHN L. BATES 
Governor of Massachusetts 




Hon. W. MURRAY CRANE 
Former Governor of Massachusetts 




Hon. GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR 

Senator from Massachusetts from March 4, 1877 
to the day of his death, october i 19o4 

Of all his colleagues who are now serving in the Senate, but 
two were Senators when he entered that body, Senators 
Allison and Cockrell; Senator Morgan alone remains of 
those who took the oath of office on the same day with him 




Senator HENRY CABOT LODGE 

OF MASSACHUSETTS 




Hon. ADIN B. CAPRON 

Present Representative in Congress from the 2D Congressional 

District of Rhode Island and nominated for 

another term 




Chief Justice JOHN H. STINESS 

Republican Nominee for Representative to Congress from 

ist Congressional District of Rhode Island 




Lieut.-Gov. GEORGE H. UTTER 
Republican Nominee for Governor of Rhode Island 



No. 1. 

"It will inspire the toiling man of the country with the pleasant con- 
sciousness that the old Republican party, the party of Lincoln, of Grant, of 
McKinley, of Hanna, is offering for the Presidency a man, a worthy successor 
to them all and who stands invincible in his record of fealty to the best 
interests of the laboring man of the United States. ' 

ANSWERS TO CRITICISMS OF REPUBLICAN POSITION 




OF 



Hon. CHARLES H. GROSVENOR 



OF OHIO 



IN THE 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
•Monday, March 28, 1904 



SPEECH OF 

HON. CHARLES H. GROSVENOR 

OF OHIO 

Mr. Grosvexor said: 

Mr. Chairman: Judging by the character of the speech delivered in the House 
by my amiable friend from New York [Mr. Fitzgerald] some days ago, there is a 
likelihood that there will be much stress laid upon the record of individual candidates 
for the Presidency. For my own part I do not consider -the record of a single indi- 
vidual, though holding the exalted position of President of the United States, as of 
surh vital importance as the record of the party itself and the trend of events neces- 
sarily incident to the history and ^purposes of the party itself. 

The Republican party can not be otherwise than the friend of labor. It has fought 
for free labor during its entire existence. It freed the slave; it furnished employment 
for labor; it lifted up the laboring man, and its last splendid achievement was when 
it transplanted labor from starvation, as it found it -in 1897, and made it possible that 
it should attain the flourishing position it now occupies. But, catering to the taste 
of people to examine personal records to ascertain the acts of individuals, I shall fur- 
nish here to-day the record of the gentleman who will be the Republican candidate for 
President. It will furnish good reading for the campaign into which we are so rapidly 
moving. It will give our Democratic friends food for thought, and it will inspire the 
toiling man of the country with the pleasant consciousness that the old Republican 
party, the party of Lincoln, of Grant, of McKinley, of Hanna, is offering for the 
Presidency a man, a worthy successor to them all and who stands invincible ki his 
record of fealty to the best interests of the laboring man of the United States. 

LABOR RECORD OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 

The most vital problem with which this country, and for that matter the whole 
civilized world, has to deal — ■ 

Said President Roosevelt in his first message to Congress — 

is the problem which has for one side the betterment of social conditions, moral and 
physical, in large cities and for another side the effort to deal with that tangle of 
far-reaching questions which we group together when we speak of "labor." 

EPITOME OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT'S FAVORABLE ACTION ON 

LABOR LEGISLATION. 

As member of assembly in New York he voted for bills — 
Abolishing tenement-house cigar making in New York City. 
Restricting child labor in factories and workshops. 

Regulating the labor hours of minors and women in manufacturing establishments. 
Safeguarding the lives and limbs of factory operatives. 
Regulating wage rates of laborers employed by municipalities. 
Making employees preferred creditors. 

Providing for building mechanics' liens. • ; j 

Prescribing the lien rights of working women. ' ----- *' 

Protecting mechanics and laborers engaged in sinking oil or gas wells. 
Abolishing contract child labor in reformatory institutions. 

Creating a commission to examine into the operation of the contract system #£ 
employing convicts. 



Establishing the bureau of labor statistics. 
To promote industrial peace. 

For a five-cent fare on the New York City elevated railroad. 
Incorporating the New York City Free Circulating Library. 
For free public baths in New York City. \ 

As governor of New York he approved these measures: 
Creating a tenement-house commission. 
Regulating sweat-shop labor. 

Empowering the factory inspector to enforce the scaffolding law. 
Directing the factory inspector to enforce the act regulating labor hours on rail- 
roads. 

Making the eight-hour and p re vailing-rate-of -wages laws effective! 
Amending the factory act — 

(1) Protecting employees at work on buildings. 

(2) Regulating the working time of female employees. 

(3) Providing that stairways shall be properly lighted. 

(4) Prohibiting the operation of dangerous machinery by -children. 

(5) Prohibiting women and minors working on polishing or buffing wheels. 

(6) Providing for seats for waitresses in hotels and restaurants. 
Shortening the working hours of drug clerks. 

Increasing the salaries of New York City school-teachers. 

Extending to other engineers the law licensing New York City engineers and 
making it a misdemeanor for violating the same. 

Licensing stationary engineers in Buffalo. 

Providing for the examination and registration of horseshoers in cities. 

Registration of laborers for municipal employment. 

Relating to air brakes on freight trains. 

Providing means for the issuance of quarterly bulletins by the bureau of labor 
statistics. 

In addition to the foregoing, while governor of New York he recommended legis- 
lation (which the legislature failed to pass) in regard to — 

Employers' liability. 

State control of employment offices. 

State ownership of printing plant. 

Devising means whereby free mechanics shall not be brought into competition with 
prison labor. 

As President of the United States he has signed bills — 

Renewing the Chinese-exclusion act and extending its provision to the island terri- 
tory of the United States. 

Prohibiting the employment of Mongolian labor on irrigation works and providing 
that eight hours shall constitute a day's labor on such projects. 

Abolishing slavery and involuntary servitude in the Philippine Islands, violation 
of the act being punishable by forfeiture of contracts and a fine of not less than 
$10,000. 

Protecting the lives of employees in coal mines in Territories by regulating the 
amount of ventilation and providing that entries, etc., shall be kept well dampened 
with water to cause coal dust to settle. 

Exempting from taxation in the District of. Columbia household belongings to the 
value of $1,000, wearing apparel, libraries, schoolbooks, family portraits, and heirlooms. 

Requiring proprietors of employment offices in the District of Columbia to pay a 
license tax of $10 per year. 



Creating the Department of Commerce and Labor and making its head a Cabinet 
officer. 

Improving the act relating to safety appliances on railways. 

Increasing the restrictions upon the immigration of cheap foreign labor and pro- 
hibiting the landing of alien anarchists. 

WEAL OF THE PLAIN PEOPLE. 

While the labor problem in a very broad sense is as old as the human race itself, 
its modern form is a creation of steam and machinery, which have replaced local pro- 
duction within the home for family needs with factory production for a general market. 
In the course of this evolution the ownership of the tools and other means of pro- 
duction passed from their actual uses to those who understood the needs of the market 
and possessed the ability to assemble materials, organize the workers, and dispose of 
the product where it was wanted. Formerly each worker was both capitalist and 
laborer, and, therefore, himself controlled the conditions under which he worked. But 
when the worker lost the ownership of his tools he could no longer control the conditions 
of employment; and it is his struggle to regain such control and to gain a larger share 
of the joint product of capital and labor that constitutes the modern labor problem. 
This is the problem that President Roosevelt in his first message to Congress described 
as the most vital problem with which the country has to deal. Few statesmen of this 
or any other country have grasped that problem as firmly as has Mr. Roosevelt. His 
contributions to its solution may be found not only in his addresses and writings, but 
also in his actions as a public official. 

Theodore Roosevelt ever will be remembered as an official whose interest in the 
weal of the plain people never diminished from the day that he commenced his public 
career as a member of assembly of the State of New York up to the present time. The 
principles of justice that governed his course in advocating the enactment of labor 
and reform legislation when he took part in the legislative proceedings at Albany in 
1882, 1883, and 1884 were unswervingly maintained while he was governor of New 
lork in 1899 and 1900, and have been conscientiously adhered to during his incumbency 
as President of the United States. By comparing the first important event connected 
with his life work with one of more recent date it will be readily observed how un- 
varying have been his views on matters of moment affecting the general community. 

The initial event referred to occurred more than twenty years ago, when, in the 
interest of the public health, as well as the wage-workers in the tobacco industry, he 
vigorously opposed the continuance of the sweating system in the manufacture of cigars 
in tenement houses. The courageous spirit that prompted his attitude in that affair 
was demonstrated again in 1902, when, owing to his timely intervention in the cele- 
brated anthracite coal strike, peace was restored, a terrible calamity to the country 
was averted, and an adjustment of the dispute finally resulted through the decision of 
the commission appointed by him. Not a few problems have reached solution by reason 
of the wisdom displayed by Theodore Roosevelt and other advanced thinkers whose 
support he has had in his unremitting efforts to induce the State to pass laws look- 
ing to the melioration of social conditions, and by pursuing this evolutionary plan of 
creating wise and sound regulations to obviate glaring inequalities in the industrial 
system the State has checked a growing spirit of unrest. 

Deeds speak for themselves, and the facts enumerated below respecting his posi- 
tion on questions involving the well-being of the great body of working people are 
matters of official record well worth close perusal and careful consideration by men of 
thought and action who have at heart the stability of our republican form of govern- 
ment. 



6 

AS MEMBER OF THE NEW YORK ASSEMBLY. 

New York State has developed an extensive system of labor and reform legislation. 
The movement that eventually brought about the enactment of these laws commenced 
in the fore part of the eighties, and Theodore Roosevelt helped to lay its foundation, 
being among the few eminent publicists who cooperated in that early effort to place 
upon the statute books the numerous acts that have since proved to be of so much 
benefit to the wage-workers. 

In 1882 he entered public life as member of assembly, and he also served in that 
capacity in 1883 and 1884. A student of economics, he had familiarized himself with 
the various phases of the labor question, and he was firm in the belief that the abuses 
which at that time existed in many employments could be eradicated by suitable enact- 
ments. With this end in view, he cast his influence on the side of public-spirited citi- 
zens and trade-unionists who during that period undertook to solve some of the social 
problems through legislative measures calculated to correct prevalent evils. Sweat- 
shop labor was a subject that received considerable attention in those days, while the 
restriction of child labor, the regulation of working hours of minors and women, the 
protection of life and limb, prison labor under the contract system, the better security 
of mechanics and laborers employed in the building industry, and the promotion of 
industrial peace were topics that occasioned serious deliberation on the part of the men 
who interested themselves in the welfare of the masses. 

It was not altogether popular then to espouse a cause designed to bring about radi- 
cal changes in industrial conditions, and the spectacle of this young statesman, although 
born and reared amid surroundings of affluence and luxury, actively identifying him- 
self with a movement in which the working people were vitally concerned won for him 
the commendation of not only all labor advocates and social reformers, but likewise 
of that large portion, of the populace in whose behalf he so zealously labored.- His 
strong personality and energetic attitude imparted to the effort a needed impetus, 
and the outcome surpassed the expectations of even the most sanguine of those who 
were associated in that undertaking to uplift their fellows. The excellent labor record 
of Assemblyman Roosevelt is quite fully presented in the succeeding paragraphs. 

ABOLITION OF TENEMENT-HOUSE CIGAR FACTORIES. 

The first important measure in which Assemblyman Roosevelt became interested 
was introduced in the legislature of 1882. Its purpose was to improve the public health 
in New York City by prohibiting the manufacture of cigars or the preparation of to- 
bacco in any form in rooms or apartments of tenement houses. The bill was presented 
at the request of the cigar makers' unions ill the State, and was also indorsed by the 
State Workingmen's Assembly. It was contended by the labor organizations, "first, 
that these tenement-house cigar factories are a public nuisance; second, that they are 
detrimental to the educational interests of the State; third, that they are demoralizing 
in their influence on the community; fourth, that they are an illegitimate interference 
with a legitimate trade." 

In the assembly the bill was referred to the committee on cities, which gave a hear- 
ing on the subject, and as a result a subcommittee consisting of five assemblymen, 
Mr. Roosevelt being among the number, was selected to investigate the tenement-house 
cigar factories in New York City. Many of these house shops were found to be in a 
filthy and unsanitary condition, and this inquiry so thoroughly convinced Theodore 
Roosevelt that the system was a menace to the public health that he became an en- 
thusiastic supporter of the measure to abolish it. It, however, was held up by ilio 
cities committee, and, on a motion that that committee be discharged from further 
consideration of the bill, the same to be placed on general orders, he voted in the 



affirmative. While the motion was carried, the bill did not pass at the session of 1882, 
but early in 1883 it was again considered and passed by both houses. Assemblyman 
Roosevelt spoke and voted in its favor. In his remarks advocating the abolition of 
the tenement-house shop he declared: 

I have visited these pest holes personally, and I can assure you if smokers could 
only see how these cigars are made we would not need any legislative action against 
this system at all. 

The Cigar Makers' Official Journal, published by the Cigar Makers' International 
Union, in its issue for February, 1883, printed the following editorial comment under 
the caption "Condemned by the legislature:" 

The representatives of the people, both in the assembly and in the senate, have 
decided by overwhelming majorities that tenement-house cigar factories are a public 
nuisance, dangerous to the sanitary, moral, educational, and economic welfare of the 
Commonwealth. So conclusive were the arguments and evidence brought forward by 
Assemblymen George Francis Roesch and Theodore Roosevelt that the opposition was 
completely routed and defeated. The working classes and cigar makers in particular 
owe a .debt of gratitude to those assemblymen and senators who have successfully 
fought for a great sanitary reform. Their names will go down to posterity as the 
friends of labor, as the promoters of a great improvement in the sanitary condition 
of the working classes. 

So deeply interested in the matter was Mr. Roosevelt that he invoked the gov- 
ernor to approve the measure. Referring to the argument before that official, the 
Cigar Makers' Official Journal for March, 1883, contained this statement: 

Tuesday, March 8, was the day which the governor had assigned for hearing the 
arguments of the opponents as well as of the friends of the bill, which aims at the 
prohibition of the manufacture of cigars in tenement houses used for dwelling pur- 
poses. *'.*,* Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, the representative of the brownstone dis- 
trict of New York, was the first speaker in favor of the bill. He said that his district 
was not influenced by any trades unions; * * * but this bill was an exception to 
the rule. During the last session of the legislature he was appointed on a committee 
to investigate the tenement-house cigar factories. 

At the start he was opposed to the bill, but the investigation convinced him that 
it was a good one. The houses, with hardly a single exception, were in a most filthy 
condition. Children were crav/ling on stripped tobacco. Old men and v/omen were 
crowded together in small, ill-ventilated rooms. He appealed to the governor to sign 
the bill. The representatives of the labor organizations, after a short deliberation, 
concluded not to speak on the subject, inasmuch as the whole ground had been ably 
covered and it was unwise to detain the governor any longer. 

The bill was signed, but certain parts' of the act were declared unconstitutional, 
and in 1884 a measure intended to meet the objections of the courts was introduced 
in the legislature. This was also favored by Mr. Roosevelt. 

ABOLITION OF CONTRACT CHILD LABOR IN REFORMATORY INSTI- 
TUTIONS 

An important reform measure, which had the sanction of organized workers, 
was introduced in the assembly of 1882. It made it unlawful for the trustees or man- 
agers of any house of refuge, reformatory, or other correctional institution to contract, 
hire, or let the services "or labor of children incarcerated in such institutions. Assem- 
blyman Roosevelt voted in favor of the bill, and it subsequently became a law. 

REGULATING WAGE RATES OF LABORERS EMPLOYED BY MUNICI- 
PALITIES. 

A bill was introduced in 1882 in the assembly to regulate the rate of wages in 
all cities of the State of over 150,000 inhabitants for laborers employed by or under 
municipal authorities. Mr. Roosevelt "had always believed that the State and muni- 



8 

cipalities should be model employers by paying prevailing wage rates. He therefore 
favored this measure. A motion to recommit it to the committee on cities with in- 
structions to strike out the enacting clause, thus killing it, met with his opposition, 
his vote being enrolled with those of thirty-three other assemblymen against the motion, 
which, nevertheless, was carried, fifty-six members voting in the affirmative. 

SAFEGUARDING LIFE AND LIMB IN FACTORIES. 

In 1883 there was a dearth of legislation relating to sanitation, safeguards against 
fire, and the guarding of machinery, hoistways, and elevators in manufacturing estab- 
lishments. In that year the life-and-limb bill made its appearance in the legislature, 
being entitled "An act for the protection of working people and employees in the work- 
shops and factories in the cities of this State." Mr. Roosevelt promptly joined the 
forces that sought the adoption of this salutary bill, which was also presented in 188:}, 
when it again received his vote, and while cogent reasons for its enactment into law 
were advanced it did not then reach the statute books; but the thorough discussion 
of its meritorious features made a marked impression upon public opinion, arousing 
a sentiment that ultimately compelled the lawmaking powers to pass an act contain- 
ing requirements that amply protected the lives and limbs of factory operatives. 

FREE PUBLIC BATHS IN NEW YORK CITY. 

Bills were introduced in the legislature in 1882 and 1883 for the construction and 
maintenance of free public baths in New York City. These conveniences were desired 
by the laboring people of that city, and consequently on each occasion Mr. Roosevelt's 
vote was recorded in favor of their erection. 

ESTABLISHING THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS. 

There was in 1883 a widespread agitation among workingmen for the establish- 
ment of a bureau of labor statistics in New York, and in that year a measure to create 
that department was presented in the legislature. Mr. Roosevelt was an ardent sup- 
porter of the bill. In due season it passed both houses and was signed by the gov- 
ernor. This law provided for the appointment of a commissioner, who was empowered 
to collect, assort, systematize, and present in annual reports to the legislature statistical 
details relating to all departments of labor, especially in relation to the commercial, 
Industrial, and social condition of working people. 

LIEN RIGHTS OF WORKING WOMEN. 
For the further protection of female employees in New York City a bill was 
introduced at the 1883 session of the assembly. It provided for the enforcement of 
judgments obtained in any court by M-oxking women for work, labor, or services done, 
and Mr. Roosevelt's vote was registered in its favor. 

5-CENT FARE ON THE NEW YORK CITY ELEVATED RAILROAD. 

The people of New York City in 1883 took active steps to have the fare on the 
elevated railroad reduced from 10 cents to 5 cents. Commission trains were run at 
certain hours in the morning and evening, it was declared, "for the accommodation of 
the public and the laboring classes," upon which the fare was 5 cents, while during 
other portions of the day 10 cents was charged. 

But the public wanted the lower rate to predominate at all hours, so a bill pro-- 
\iding for the desirable reduction was drafted and inlroduced in the legislature. It 
passed the assembly and senate, Mr. Roosevelt voting with the majority in the former 
house. The governor, however, vetoed the measure, claiming that it was a violation 
of a contract that was protected by the United States Constitution, which prohibited 



9 

the passage of a law by any State impairing the obligation of contracts; and the 
executive also held that the State "must keep within the limits of law and good faith." 
Apparently moved by the popular demonstration for the proposed change in the fare, 
the elevated railroad management shortly afterwards voluntarily decreased it to 5 
cents. 

TO PROMOTE INDUSTRIAL PEACE. 
A resolution that proved to be a prelude to the creation, a few years later, of 
the State board of mediation and arbitration was offered in the assembly of 1883. 
As it was the entering wedge to a plan to promote industrial peace, Mr. Roosevelt 
voted for its adoption. It directed the judiciary committee — 

To examine and report upon the possible enactment of a practical and beneficial 
law, to be in the joint interests of capital and labor, and employees and employers, 
whereby the latter shall be required to give reasonable and timely notice of dismissals 
from service, except for moral or personal consequences, and of the reduction of wages, 
and the former a like timely and reasonable notice of any advance in wages and time 
for leaving work, the object and purpose of this inquiry being to prevent summary 
strikes from work without proper notice, and summary dismissal from work with- 
out a like notice, and to secure, if possible, such conferences and compromises as will 
establish friendly, just, and equitable relations to the advantage of both classes of 
citizens and to the people at large. 

PROTECTION OF MECHANICS AND LABORERS ENGAGED IN SINKING 

OIL OR GAS WELLS. 

During the legislative session of 1883 a bill was introduced in the assembly for 

the protection of mechanics and laborers. It was a lien measure to secure the wages 

of workmen employed in or about the sinking, drilling, or completing of any oil well, 

or any well sunk or drilled for oil or gas, or in the erection of any tank or other 

-receptacle for oil, gas, or water. Mr. Roosevelt voted for its passage. 

'BUILDING MECHANICS' LIENS. 

When the organized workers in the constructive industry succeeded in having sub- 
mitted to the legislature of 1884 a mechanics* lien bill, the purpose of which was to 
prevent the loss of wages of men engaged in the construction or repair of buildings, 
they discovered a sincere adherent of their cause in Assemblyman Roosevelt. While 
they did not then succeed in carrying their project through, they were greatly en- 
couraged by the support they received, and this inspired them to make another attempt 
in a subsequent year to secure legislation for the better security of mechanics and 
laborers who perform labor for building and other improvements on lands in New 
York State. Finally they attained their object. 

INCORPORATING THE NEW YORK CITY FREE CIRCULATING LIBRARY. 

With a view to giving the working people of New York City an opportunity to 
fully enjoy the advantages of such an institution, Mr. Roosevelt, in the assembly of 
1883, voted to incorporate the New York Free Circulating Library. 

FOR THE RESTRICTION OF CHILD LABOR. 

In 1883 and 1884 the subject of child labor evoked considerable discussion in New 
York State. The Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children had made futile 
attempts to induce legislative action to restrict it. 

Humane physicians expressed the opinion that the strength for perfect physical 
development of children of tender years employed in factories was diverted from its 
legitimate ends, thereby producing in adult life, if these children were fortunate enough 
to be spared to maturity, an impairment of the physical and mental organization ; 



10 

that confinement in poorly ventilated workrooms in constrained positions was un- 
healthful, tended to make the system more susceptible to attacks of diseases and 
lessened the chances to rally from ordinary disorders incident to childhood; that the 
fatigue of labor was directly injurious by preventing free bodily exereise in the fresh 
air, and indirectly affected the sanitary condition of the child by substituting unnatural 
labor for natural exercise, and that these conditions caused the whole moral tone to 
suffer. 

Educators were convinced that children thus employed were deprived of an oppor- 
tunity to acquire an elementary education, that the standard of intelligence among 
them was astonishingly low, and that the pernicious system was fatal to the mental 
growth of the rising generation. The bureau of labor statistics investigated the ques- 
tion and found that a large percentage of the children in the State "were compelled 
either by their parents or the force of circumstances to spend a large portion of their 
young lives in factories, mills, or tenements, where but slight, if any, attention seems 
to be paid to those safeguards which are conducive to good health. If the present 
system of child labor is to be permitted to continue, it should be the first duty of the 
State to provide precautionary and effective means to secure the enforcement of proper 
sanitary regulations in factories, mills, or tenements where children are employed 
or domiciled." 

Organized labor strenuously protested against the continuance of child labor, and 
resolved to invoke the legislature to pass a law that would abolish it. The State Work- 
ingmen's Assembly, in annual session at Albany in 1884, adopted a bill which pro- 
vided that — 

No child under 14 years of age shall be emploj r ed in any factory or workshop 
where goods are manufactured from the" raw material, that no child between the ages 
of 14 or 16 shall be so employed unless such child shall have attended within twelve 
months immediately preceding such employment some public day or night school or 
some well-recognized private school, such attendance to be fqr five days or evenings 
every week during a period of at least twenty consecutive weeks. 

This measure also contained a section — 

REGULATING THE LABOR HOURS OF MINORS AND FEMALES. 

It" provided that — 

No minor or no female of whatever age shall be employed in any factory, workshop, 
or mill for a longer period than ten hours a day, and in no case shall the hours of 
labor exceed sixty in a week. 

Provision was made for the appointment of a factory inspector to enforce the 
law, each violation being a misdemeanor punishable by fine or imprisonment in jail. 
This was introduced in the legislature of 1884, and Assemblyman Roosevelt ably 
supported it through its various stages. In 1883 he voted for a bill constructed on 
similar lines. Neither measure, how,ever, was then incorporated in the State's code 
of laws, but the agitation thus begun in favor of this remedial legislation resulted in 
its passage in 1886. 

MAKING EMPLOYEES PREFERRED CREDITORS. 

Assemblyman Roosevelt voted for that beneficial act, passed in 1881, which made 
working people preferred creditors in case of insolvency of their employers. This 
law stipulated that in all assignments the wages or salaries actually owing to the 
employees .of assignors at the time of the execution of the assignment shall be pre- 
ferred before any other debt. In the event of the assets being insufficient to pay in 
full all the claims preferred they shall be applied to payment at the same pro rata 
to the amount of each such claim. 



11 

COMMISSION TO EXAMINE INTO THE OPERATION OF THE CONTRACT 
SYSTEM OE EMPLOYING CONVICTS. 

Mr. Roosevelt voted for the bill, which became law in February, 1884, empowering 
the governor to appoint five persons to constitute a commission to examine into and 
report upon the practical operation of the contract system for the employment of 
convicts in State prisons, penitentiaries, and reformatories, as then required by law, 
and particularly as to the effect of such employment upon t|je community at large, 
upon prison management, and upon the discipline of prisoners, the commissioners to 
report their conclusions, with such recommendations as they deemed proper as to 
the best method of employing convict labor, to. the legislature not later than March 
1 of that year. 

The commission was chosen on February 11, and as it had but sixteen days to 
inquire into the subject and report thereon was unable to accomplish the object for 
which it was created. An effort was made to continue its existence, and a bill was 
presented to amend the act so as to provide that the terms of the commissioners should 
continue until their report was made, at the earliest practical date consistent with the 
performance of their duties. Mr. Roosevelt voted for this proposition, but the meas- 
ure was vetoed on the ground that it did not contemplate a report at that session 
of the legislature. 

AS GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK. 

While governor of New York, in 1899 and 1900, Theodore Roosevelt pursued the 
same consistent course in regard to the enactment of suitable labor legislation that 
he so persistently followed during his three years' career as member of assembly. Not 
only did he recommend the passage of new laws in the interest of the mass of the 
people, but he urged the necessity of amending existent labor statutes so as to make 
them more efficacious, and suggested the adoption of improved methods in order to 
insure their proper enforcement. 

The development in extent and variety of industries has necessitated legislation 
in the interest of labor — 

He 'wrote in his annual message to the legislature of 1899. 

This legislation is not necessarily against the interest of capital; on the contrary, 
if wisely devised, it is for the benefit of both laborers and employers. We have very 
wisely passed many laws for the benefit of labor, in themselves good and for the time 
being sufficient, but experience has shown that the full benefit of these laws is not 
obtained through the lack of proper means of enforcing them and the failure to make 
any one department responsible for their enforcement. In order that the desire of 
the people, definitely expressed in this wholesome legislation, shall be made effective, 
1 recommend that the enforcement of the entire body of legislation relating to labor 
be placed under the board of factory inspectors. This would simplify the whole ques- 
tion of labor legislation and place the responsibility for its enforcement where it 
properly belongs and would also give the maximum efficiency of service with the 
minimum cost to the State. With a slight increase in the general force of factory 
inspectors this work can be done for the whole State and the object of the legislation 
be satisfactorily secured to the people. 

ADDITIONAL FACTORY INSPECTORS RECOMMENDED AND PROVIDED. 

Governor Roosevelt thereupon recommended "that the legislature provide for 
additional factory inspectors so as to bring the total number up to fifty." This sug- 
gestion was favorably considered by the legislature, and the number of deputy fac- 
tory inspectors was increased from thirty-six to fifty. 



12 

EMPOWERING THE FACTORY INSPECTORS TO ENFORCE THE PROVI- 
SIONS OP THE SCAFFOLDING LAW. 

In the same message Governor Roosevelt said: 

Another important statute of this character relates to providing secure scaffold- 
ing in the erection of new buildings. The law on this subject is all that could be 
desired, but its enforcement is left to the city police, and as a matter of fact prac- 
tically no provision is made for carrying it into effect. In New York City, where this 
law is most needed, police officers are unacquainted with the character and require- 
ments of the law. Most of them, indeed, are not aware that the enforcement of this 
law is any part of their duty. 

This recommendation resulted in the passage of an amendment to section 19 of 
the labor law, relating to the inspection of scaffolding, or slings, hangers, blocks, 
pulleys, stays, braces, ladders, irons, or ropes of any swinging or stationary scaffolding 
used in the construction, alteration, repairing, painting, cleaning, or pointing of build- 
ings within the limits of a city, transferring the power of enforcing its provisions 
from the municipal police authorities to the factory inspector. 

DIRECTING THE FACTORY INSPECTORS TO ENFORCE THE ACT REGU- 
LATING HOURS OF LABOR ON RAILROADS. 

The message of Governor Roosevelt in 1899 also contained the following sugges- 
tion: 

The law regulating the hours of labor on surface railroads is also an excellent pro- 
vision against the tendency to work the men an almost unlimited number of hours. The 
enforcement of this law is left to the railroad commissioners. As they have no active 
force to use for such a purpose the law fails by default, except when individual citizens 
undertake the prosecution. The employee himself will rarely or never complain for fear 
of being discharged. 

In accordance with this recommendation authority to enforce the sections of the 
act relative to the hours of labor on steam, street, surface, and elevated railroads was 
conferred upon the factory inspector. 

AN EIGHT-HOUR DAY AT PREVAILING RATES OF WAGES. 

The law requiring an eight-hour day and a prevailing rate of wages for State em- 
ployees — 

Said Governor Roosevelt in his 1S99 message to the legislature- 
is not entrusted to any authority for enforcement. If this law is to remain on the 
statute books it should be enforced, and therefore the legislature should make it the 
particular business of somebody to enforce it. 

Conformably with the Wishes of the executive, the factory -inspection department 
was vested with the power to enforce this act, which was further amended so as to 
provide that — 

Each contract to which the State or a municipal corporation is a party which 
may involve the employment of laborers, workmen, or mechanics shall contain a stipu- 
lation that no laborer, workman, or mechanic in the employ of the contractor, sub- 
contractor, or other person doing or contracting to do the whole or a part of the work 
contemplated by the contractor, shall be permitted or required to work more than eight 
hours in any one calendar day, except in cases of extraordinary emergency caused 
by fire, flood, or danger to life or property. 

Each contract for such public work hereafter made shall contain a provision that 
the same shall be void and of no effect unless the person or corporation making or 
performing the same shall comply with the provisions of this section, and no such 
person or corporation shall be entitled to receive any sum, nor shall any officer, agent 
or employee of the State or municipal corporation pay the same or authorize its pay- 



13 

ment from the funds under his charge or control* to any such person or corporation 
for work done upon any contract which in its form or manner of performance violates 
the provision of this section. 

UNECONOMIC, UNWHOLESOME, AND UNAMEBJCAN SWEAT-SHOP . 

SYSTEM. 

Governor Roosevelt's opinion concerning the evils of sweat-shop labor, that he 
formed while member of assembly as a result of his searching inquiry into the un- 
healthful tenement-house system of manufacturing cigars, did not undergo a change 
during the seventeen years that intervened between 1882, when the investigation was 
made, and 1899. In truth his views on the subject in the latter year, when he urged 
the legislature to adopt radical measures to suppress the harmful system, were even 
more pronounced than those to which he gave utterance while serving as an assembly- 
man. These were his ideas in 1899, as expressed in his amiual message. 

Another very important phase of this subject is the sweat-shop system, which is 
practically the conversion of the poorest class of living apartments into unwholesome 
pest-creating and crime-breeding workshops. Laws have been enacted by the legislature 
to suppress this vile phase of industrial life in our large cities by prohibiting the 
use of dwellings for the purposes 'of manufacture. Although the law is quite ex- 
plicit and the intention of the legislature obvious, great difficulty has been experienced 
in its effective enforcement. It is everywhere agreed that this tenement-house or sweat- 
shop system is degrading to the unfortunate individuals engaged in it and to the social 
and moral life of the community in which it exists. How to enforce the law on this 
subject has perplexed the statesmen of other countries and States as well as our own. 

The most effective and uninquisitive means yet devised for accomplishing this 
end is that recently adopted by Massachusetts, viz., providing that buildings used for 
manufacturing purposes must have a permit or license, such license or permit to be 
granted only on condition that the appointment of the building fulfill the requirements 
of the law for manufacturing purposes. These permits or licenses ought to be granted 
by the board of factory inspectors, who should be held responsible for the proper 
inspection of the buildings and the enforcement of the law. 

There are several reasons why this simple method would be effective. It would 
at once classify buildings used for manufacturing purposes, as a building so used with- 
out a permit would be violating the law. It would prevent much friction, because all 
requirements of the lav/ would have to be fulfilled before the building was used. This 
would be a great advantage in the erection of new buildings, as proper conveniences, 
including accessible fire escapes, guarded elevators, and other appointments would be 
required and easily furnished when new buildings were being erected or when old ones 
were being changed for manufacturing purposes. 

Nor does this involve any radical innovation. It is simply applying the recognized 
principle upon which boards of health now everywhere act in requiring that the plans 
for erecting new buildings or alterations of old ones must be submitted to the build- 
ing and health department and a certificate of approval granted before the building 
can be erected, alterations made, or the premises occupied. Legitimate manufacturers 
will not object to this, because they are desirous of furnishing safe and wholesome 
appointments for their employees. Only those who desire to evade the law and dis- 
regard the common demands of sanitation, domestic decency, and wholesome industrial 
methods will object, and it is these the law desires to reach. 

I submit this to the serious consideration of the legislature, and suggest that an 
amendment to the law embodying this idea be adopted, to the end that the uneconomic, 
unwholesome, and un-American sweat-shop system shall disappear from our industrial 
life. 

Though the governor's ideas were not embodied in their entirety in the law that 
ensued, it contained the essential features recommended by him. Its provisions made 
it unlawful to manufacture, alter, repair, or finish articles of clothing, feathers, arti- 
ficial flowers, cigarettes, cigars, or umbrellas in a room or apartment in any tenement 
or dwelling house, or in a building situated in the rear of a tenement or dwelling house, 
without a license from the factory-inspection department. 



14 

Before any such license is granted — 

The act provided — 

an inspection of the room, apartment, or building sought to be licensed must be made 
by the factory inspector. If the factory inspector ascertain that such room, apart- 
ment, or building is In a clean and proper sanitary condition * * * he shall grant 
a license permitting the use of such room, apartment, or building for the purpose of 
manufacturing, altering, repairing, or finishing such articles. 

Each license shall state the maximum number of persons who may be employed 
in the room or rooms to which such license relates. The number of persons to be' so 
employed shall be determined by the number of cubic feet of air space contained in each 
room or apartment mentioned in such license, allowing not less than 350 cubic feet for 
each person employed between the hours of G o'clock in the morning and 6 o'clock in the 
evening, and * * * not less than 400 cubic feet for each person employed therein 
between the hours of 6 o'clock in the evening and 6 o'clock in the morning. Such 
license must be framed and posted in a conspicuous place in each room or apartment 
to which it relates. It may be revoked by the factory fnspector if the health of the 
community or of the employees requires it or if it appears that the rooms or apart- 
ments * * * are not in a healthy and proper sanitary condition. 

Every room or apartment in which any of the articles named * * * are manu- 
factured, altered, repaired, or finished shall be kept in a clean and sanitary condition 
and shall be subject to inspection and examination by the factory inspector for the 
purpose of ascertaining whether said garments or articles, or any part or parts thereof, 
are clean and free from vermin and every matter of an infectious or contagious nature. 
No person shall hire, employ, or contract with * * * any person not holding a 
license therefor to manufacture, alter, repair, or finish any of the articles named. * 

Persons contracting for the manufacturing, altering, repairing, or finishing of any 
of the articles mentioned, * * * or giving out material for which they or any part 
of are to be manufactured, altered, repaired, or finished, shall keep a register of the 
names and addresses plainly written in English of the persons to whom such articles 
or materials are given. * * * Such register shall be subject to inspection by the 
factory inspector and a copy thereof furnished on his demand. 

Articles prepared contrary to the provisions of this act "shall not be sold or ex- 
posed for sale by any person. The factory inspector shall conspicuously affix to any 
such article found to be unlawfully manufactured, altered, repaired, or finished a label 
containing the words 'tenement made.' * * * The factory inspector shall notify 
the person owning or alleging to own such article that he has so labeled it. No person 
except the factory inspector shall remove or deface any tag or label so affixed. If the 
factory inspector finds evidence of disease present in a workshop or in a room or 
apartment in a tenement or dwelling house, or in any room or apartment of a building 
in the rear of a tenement or dwelling house in which any of the articles named * 
are manufactured, altered, repaired, or finished, or in process thereof, he shall affix 
to such articles the label prescribed * * * and immediately report to the local 
board of health, who shall disinfect such article if necessary, and thereupon remove 
such label. If the factory inspector finds that infectious or contagious diseases exist 
in" tenement workshops, "or that goods used therein are unfit for use he shall report 
to the local board of health, and such board shall issue such orders as the public 
health may require. Such board may condemn and destroy all such infected article or 
articles manufactured or in the process of manufacture under unclean or unhealthful 
conditions." Owners, lessees, or agents of tenements "shall not permit the use thereof 
for the manufacture, repair, alteration, or finishing of any of the articles mentioned in 
this article contrary to its provisions. If a room or apartment * * * be so un- 
lawfully used, the factory inspector shall serve a notice thereof upon such owner, lessee, 
or agent. Unless such owner, lessee, or agent shall cause such unlawful manufacture 
to be discontinued within thirty days after the service of such notice, or within fifteen 
days thereafter institutes and' faithfully prosecutes proceedings for the dispossession 
of the occupant * * * who unlawfully manufactures, repairs, alters, or finishes 
such articles * * * he shall be deemed guilty of a violation of this article." 

'a he law has worked admirably. From the time that it went into effect — September 
1, 1899— according to the records of the New York bureau of factory inspection, up 
to September 30, 1903, the date of the issuance of the last annual report of that bureau, 
the efficiency of the act in interfering with sweat shops was fully illustrated by the 



15 

fact that altogether 10,439 licenses were refused to applicants because of the in- 
sanitary condition of their living rooms or of other parts of the buildings, while 3,811 
licenses were revoked for similar reasons. These latter house shops doubtless would 
now be in operation were it not for this law and the strict manner of its execution. In 
the time above mentioned there were 1,901 instances where goods were tagged in tene- 
ment workrooms wherein the law had been violated, and a large number of prosecutions 
and convictions have resulted from its enforcement. At the close of last September 
there were in New York State 30,890 licensed work places, which have undergone at 
least one critical inspection each year. 

AMENDMENTS TO THE EACTORY ACT. 

The following amendments to the factory act were approved by Governor Roosevelt 
in 1899: 

Prohibiting the operation of dangerous machinery by children. — Children under 16' 
a building in course of construction, contractors or owners shall cause the shafts or 
openings in each floor to be inclosed by a barrier at least 8 feet in height; and if a 
building be five stories or more in height, no lumber nor timber shall be hoisted on the 
outside of such building. 

Regulating working time of females. — Xo female shall be employed in a factory 
before 6 a. m. and after 9 p. m., nor be required to work more than sixty hours per 
week. 

Stairways to be properly lighted.— Stairways leading to workrooms shall be properly 
lighted, such lights to be independent of the motive power of a factory. 

Promoting the operation of dangerous machinery by children. — Children under 16 
years of age shall not be permitted to operate or assist in operating dangerous machines 
of any kind. 

Women and male minors not permitted to icork on polishing or buffing wheels. — 
No male child under 18 years of age nor any female shall be employed in operating 
polishing or buffing wheels. 

Boiler Inspection. — Directing the factory inspector to inspect boilers in factories 
in localities where no local laws prevail on the subject. 

MECHANICS' LIENS. 

During the legislative session of 1899 Governor Roosevelt affixed his signature 
to two measures amending the lien law. One of these amendatory acts provided that 
a lien for labor done shall continue for three months, unless an order be made by a 
court of record to continue it for a period not exceeding six months, upon the appli- 
cation of a lienor, and said court may grant a new order continuing the lien in each 
succeeding six months if in its discretion it shall be deemed just and equitable. This 
amendment was "declared to be a remedial statute, and is to be construed liberally 
to secure the beneficial interests dnd purposes thereof." 

The other amendments included the mining of cement stone and the quarrying or 
cutting of limestone in the provision relating to liens for labor performed in quarrying, 
dressing, and cutting stone. 

QUARTERLY LABOR BULLETINS. 

To enable the bureau of labor statistics to properly disseminate the results of 
its investigations, Governor Roosevelt in 1899 approved a measure which provided the 
means for the compiling and publishing of quarterly bulletins by that bureau. 

OTHER LABOR LEGISLATION APPROVED IN 1899. 

Other labor legislation approved by Governor Roosevelt in 1899 was as follows: 



16 

REGISTRATION OF LABORERS FOR MUNICIPAL EMPLOYMENT. 

This was an amendment to the civil-service law, and stipulated that vacancies in 
the labor class in cities, which embrace unskilled laborers and such skilled laborers 
as are not included in the competitive or non-competitive class, shall be filled by ap- 
pointment from lists of applicants registered by municipal commissions, preference 
in employment from such lists to be given according to date of application. 

LICENSING OF STATIONARY ENGINEERS IN BUFFALO. 

Prohibiting any person not duly licensed under such regulations as the Buffalo 
common council may prescribe from running any steam stationary engine. A marine 
engineer holding a United States license, on presenting the same to an examiner ap- 
pointed for the purpose, shall be given a written examination, and if found qualified 
shall be granted a stationary engineer's license, but such marine engineer must be a 
resident of that city for three years before making such application, and is required 
to be a citizen of the United States. 

EXAMINATION AND REGISTRATION OF HORSESHOERS. 

Amending the law so as to apply its provisions to all cities of the State instead 
of to those of the first and second classes, as formerly. This article provides for a 
board of examiners, consisting of a veterinarian, two master horseshoers, and two 
journeymen horseshoers, who shall hold sessions in the several cities for the purpose 
of examining applicants desiring to practice as master or journeymen horseshoers. A 
person is not qualified to take such examination unless he has served an apprentice- 
ship at horseshoeing for at least three years. If he is shown to be qualified, the board 
shall issue to him a certificate stating his name and residence, the date of examination, 
when and where his apprenticeship was served, and that he is qualified to practice his 
trade. 

TENEMENT HOUSE REFORM. 

Tenement-house conditions in the congested districts of New York City had be- 
come so dreadful that Governor Roosevelt felt impelled in 1900 to appeal to the legis- 
lature to take action toward remedying the evil effects of the system and in the in- 
terest of the dwellers in the dark and poorly ventilated rooms of these houses, in 
which the health of the occupants was also menaced by foul cellars, airshafts, and 
courts, arising from the accumulation of filth. He dwelt as follows upon the subject 
in his annual message: 

I urge that the legislature give particular attention to the need of reform in 
the laws governing the tenement houses. The tenement-house commission of 1894 
declared that, in its opinion, the tenement-house laws needed to be revised as often 
as once in five years, and I am confident that the improvements in building materials 
and construction of tenements and the advance in sanitary legislation all demand 
further modification of existing laws. Probably the best course to follow would be to 
appoint a commission to present a revised code of tenement-house laws. 

As a consequence of the foregoing recommendation a bill to create a tenement- 
house commission was introduced, and so necessary was immediate legislative inter- 
ference deemed by the governor that he sent to the legislature the following emergency 
message recommending the passage of the measure: 

There is before you a measure for the establishment of a tenement-house com- 
mission to look into the whole subject of the proper construction of tenement houses 
in the congested districts of our great cities of the first class. I earnestly hope that 
this bill may be enacted into law. It is probable that there is not and has not been 
before your body a measure of more real importance to the welfare of those who are 
least able to protect themselves and whom we should especially guard from the effects 
of their own helplessness and from the rapacity of those who would prey upon them. 



17 

There was held this year in New York a tenement-house exhibition, showing by 
maps and models dreadful conditions which we are now striving to remedy, and the 
shape that the remedy shall take. One of the most striking features at this exhibit 
was the series of charts which showed the way in which disease, crime, and pauperism 
increased almost in geometrical proportion as the conditions of tenement-house life 
became worse — that is, as to overcrowding are added the evils of want of air, of light., 
of cleanliness, of comfort; in short, of all the decencies of life. These decencies are 
of course, indispensable if good citizenship is to be made possible. The tenement 
house, in its worst shape, is a festering sore in the civilization of our great cities. 
We can not be excused if we fail to cut out this ulcer, and our failure will be terribly 
avenged, for by its presence it inevitably poisons the whole body, politic and social. 
At present in New York the conditions are in some respects worse, not better, than 
they were a few years ago, because now the authorities permit the erection of huge 
buildings, which, though less disreputable in appearance than the old tenement houses, 
are, because of their immense mass and inferior light and air shafts, worse from a 
hygienic standpoint. 

Two classes of people are interested in perpetrating the present infamous con- 
ditions, viz., the class that owns the tenement houses and the class that builds them. 
The best owners and the best builders do not desire to perpetuate these conditions, 
but it is imperative to protect them from the competition of their less conscientious 
rivals. 

Against this concrete and mercenary hostility to the needed reform we can mar- 
shal only the general sentiment for decent and cleanly living and for fair play to 
all our citizens. Too often the sufferer himself is dumb either because he can not 
express himself or because he does not know what remedy to advocate. In his in- 
terest, and in the interest of all our people, above all, in the interest of the State, 
whose standard of citizenship in the future is partly dependent upon the housing of 
children in the tenement-house districts of the present, we should see to the improve- 
ment of the conditions which now make the congested districts of our great cities a 
blot on our civilization. Great good was accomplished by the tenement-house com- 
mission appointed under a similar bill a few years ago. This good is now in part being 
nullified, and a new commission is urgently needed. 

The bill passed, and Governor Roosevelt appointed representative citizens on the 
commission, which included sociologists, philanthropists, architects, builders, real estate 
owners and agents, a prominent labor leader in the building trades, and men who had 
been connected with the New York City health, building, and fire departments. The com- 
mission's report, which was submitted in 1901, accompanied by a bill proposing im- 
portant changes in the methods of tenement-house construction, was a valuable docu- 
ment covering all sides of the housing problem. It reported that the worst feature 
of the New York tenement house was lack of air and light, which was directly re- 
sponsible for the undue prevalence of tuberculosis, medical experts having testified 
that the number of deaths from that disease reached 8,000 annually and that one-third 
of these lives might be saved by providing a type of tenement house with sufficient light 
and ventilation. Another constant source of danger was the narrow air-shaft, which 
acted as a flue in the spread of tenement-house fires and contagious diseases; and 
as most of the bedroom windows opened upon these air shafts, it was impossible to 
preserve privacy in a family which occupied rooms opposite those of another family. 

Professional vice was found to exist in many tenements, being largely due to the 
irresponsibility of landlords. The findings of the commission impressed practical legis- 
lators who succeeded in having the major part of their recommendations enacted into 
law. This act provides for the establishment of a tenement-house department in New 
York City, to which shall be submitted all plans for tenement houses, and whose ap- 
proval must be obtained before such buildings can be occupied after completion, and 
also requires the appointment of a large corps of inspectors so that existing dwellings 
may be kept under surveillance. 

2 



18 

The law diminishes the proportion of ground to be built over, and by thus in- 
creasing- the unoccupied space on lots enlarges the amount of light and air that reaches 
dwellers, abolishes narrow air shafts, requires open courts, provides that rooms must 
open either upon an inner or outer court or upon the street or a yard (this also ap- 
plying to public hallways) ; that in existing dwellings wooden pans Is in doors must 
be replaced with glass, or a suitable window shall be placed at the end of the ball 
leading to the outer air; that lights shall be kept burning all night. upon the first 
and second floors of public hallways, and from sunset to 10 p. m. upon other floors; 
that there shall be a separate water-closet for each family; that courts, cellars, halls, and 
stairways shall be maintained free of rubbish and filth; prescribes how fire escapes shall 
be constructed and where they shall be located; stipulates that every disorderly woman 
residing in a tenement is to be treated as a vagrant and upon conviction committed" 
to jail for a period of not more than six months, and any tenement house that shelters 
such disorderly person is liable to a penalty of $1,000, which becomes a lien upon the 
house and lot. 

Beside structural changes in numerous old buildings, making them more suitable 
for human habitation, hundreds of new style tenements have been constructed under 
the act, and from their occupants' view point these new houses have proved entirely 
satisfactory, insuring for the first time to many tenants a sufficiency of air and light 
as well as sanitary conveniences. When it is considered that in a single year the tene- 
ment-house department made 269,691 inspections and recorded 138,270 violations of 
the statute, it is quite evident that the act has accomplished all that its promoters 
claimed for it, for these S3'stematic inspections have produced decided improvements 
in housing conditions, resulting in the betterment of sanitary arrangements, thereby 
lessening the amount of sickness, and causing a decrease in the city's death rate. 
Another important outcome of the rigid enforcement of the tenement-house law has 
been the suppression of professional vice in these dwelling places. 

SHORTENING THE WORKING HOURS OF DRUG CLERKS. 

Steadfast in his purpose to give some relief to overworked drug clerks Governor 
Roosevelt in 1900 called the attention of the legislature to the matter in the words 
following: 

Owing to the defects in the drug clerks' bill presented last year I was unable to 
sign it. I am, however, in hearty sympathy with the objects sought in the bill. I 
trust that a satisfactory bill may be presented this year and shall be glad to give 
such a bill my approval. 

Upon this recommendation the senate and assembly passed "an act for the regu- 
lation of the working hours of pharmacists and drug clerks in cities of 1,000,000 or 
more inhabitants," and it received the governor's approval. 

Under its provisions pharmacists or drug clerks shall not be required nor permitted 
to work more than seventy hours per week; that — 

Nothing in this section shall prohibit them working six hours overtime during any 
week, for the purpose of making a shorter succeeding week: Provided, however. That 
the aggregate number of hours in any such two weeks shall not exceed one hundred 
and thirty-six hours. The working hours per day shall be consecutive, allowing one 
hour for each meal. The hours shall be so arranged that an employee shall be entitled 
to and shall receive at least one full day off in two consecutive weeks. No proprietor of 
any drug store shall require or permit any clerk to sleep in any room or apartment 
in or connected with such store which does not comply with the sanitary regulations 
(.!' I he local board of health. 

Failure to comply with the provisions of the act is deemed a misdemeanor, 



19 

SEATS FOR WAITRESSES IN HOTELS AND RESTAURANTS. 

Approval was given by Governor Roosevelt in 1900 to a measure which required 
every person employing waitresses, in a hotel or restaurant to "provide and maintain 
suitable seats for the use of such female employees, and permit the use thereof by 
such employees to such an extent as may be reasonable for the preservation of their 
health." To the factory inspector was delegated the power to enforce the provisions 
of this act. 

AIR BRAKES ON FREIGHT TRAINS. 

An amendatory act, signed by Governor Roosevelt in 1900 made it unlawful on 
and after January 1, 1901 — 

For any railroad or other company to haul or permit to be hauled or used on 
its line or lines within this State any freight train that lias not a sufficient number of cars 
in it so equipped with continuous power or air brakes that the engineer or the locomotive 
drawing such train can control its speed without requiring brakemen to use the com- 
mon hand brake for that purpose. * * * Any railroad or other company hauling 
or permitting to be hauled on its line or lines any freight train in violation of the 
provisions of this act shall be liable to a penalty of $100 for each and every violation, 
to be recovered in an action to be brought by the attorney-general in the name of 
the people, * * * and it shall be the duty of the board of railroad commissioners 
of this State to notify the attorney-general of all such violations coming to its notice. 

EXTENDING TO OTHER ENGINEERS THE PROVISIONS OF THE LAW 
LICENSING NEW YORK CITY STATIONARY ENGINEERS— A MIS- 
DEMEANOR FOR VIOLATING THE ACT. 

In 1890 Governor Roosevelt gave his consent to two amendments to the act rela- 
tive to the inspection of steam boilers and licenses of stationary engineers of New York 
City. The first of these, which was chapter 461, provided that "any person who has 
served as a marine or locomotive engineer or fireman to a locomotive engineer for a 
period of five years, and shall have been a resident of the State of New York for a 
period of two years," shall be eligible for examination for a license to act as a station- 
ary engineer. 

Chapter 709 was the other amendment, which made it a misdemeanor for "any 
person or persons violating any provision of.this section or of any of its subdivisions." 

INCREASING THE SALARIES OF NEW YORK CITY PUBLIC SCHOOL 

TEACHERS. 

So deep was the interest manifested by the New York City public school teachers 
in the bill to regulate and increase their salaries that on March 14; 1900, Governor 
Roosevelt sent to the legislature a message certifying to the necessity of the immediate 
passage of the measure. It met with the approval of both houses and was signed 
by the governor, who filed with the act a. memorandum pointing out that — 

Its general purpose is admirable, and the best educators— the men most interested 
in seeing the public schools of the greater New York put upon a thoroughly efficient 
basis— * * * most earnestly favor the measure. 

The law gave the department of education power to adopt by-laws to establish 
a uniform schedule of salaries for the teaching staff throughout all the boroughs and 
prescribed an equal annual increment of salary. It provided that a kindergartner or 
female teacher of a girls' class other than those teaching grades of the last two 
years in elementary schools shall, after sixteen years of service, receive not less 
than $1,240 per annum, and that a female teacher of a girls' class of the grades of 
the last two years shall, after fifteen years of service, receive not less than $1,320 per 
annum; that a female teacher of a girls' graduating class, female first assistant, or 



20 

female vice-principal shall, after ten years of service, receive not less than $1,440 per 
annum; that a female teacher of boys' or mixed class shall receive not less than $60 
per annum more than a female teacher of a girls' class of corresponding grade and 
of years of service, and that a female teacher in elementary schools shall receive not 
less than $600 per annum, nor shall her annual increment be less than $40; that a 
male teacher of a class of the grades of the last two years shall, after twelve years 
service, receive not less than $2,160 per annum; that a male teacher of a graduat- 
ing class, male first assistant, or male vice-principal shall, after ten years service, 
receive not less than $2,400 per year; that a male teacher shall receive not less than 
$900 a year, nor shall his annual increment be less than $105. 

AMENDMENTS TO THE LIEN LAW. 
Two amendments to the lien law were approved by Governor Roosevelt in 1900. 
The first related to building loan contracts, and provided that the same— 

either with or without the sale of land, and any modification thereof must be in writing 
cmd duly acknowledged, and within ten days after its execution be filed in the office 
of the clerk of the county in which any part of the land is situated, and the same 
shall not be filed in the register's office of any county. 

The second amendment was in regard "to the sale of property retaken by the 
vender under a contract of conditional sale." This sentence was added to section 116: 

Unless such articles are sold within thirty days after the expiration of such 
period, the vender or his successor in interest may recover of the vender the amount 
paid on such articles by such vendee or Ms successor in interest under the contract 
for the conditional sale thereof. 

MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP OE RAPID-TRANSIT RAILWAYS. 

There is now before your body a measure looking toward the securing of rapid 
transit for the city of New York. I deem it of very great importance that a scheme 
providing for rapid transit in the city should be passed at the earliest practicable 
moment. But it is even more important that this scheme should be one which will work 
for the ultimate benefit of the city. It does not seem to me wise that a franchise of 
this nature should be given in perpetuity. It would, of course, be best to have it 
owned by the municipality, although I would point out to the advocates of municipal 
ownership that it is doubly incumbent upon them to take the most efficient means of 
rebuking municipal corruption, and of insisting upon a high standard of continuous 
fidelity to duty among municipal employees. Only if the government of the municipality 
is honest will it be possible ever to justify fully the workings of municipal owner- 
ship. 

These sentiments were expressed by Governor Roosevelt in a special message to 
the legislature, and in 1900 that body passed an amendatory measure, which received 
the governor's signature, extending the system of municipal construction of rapid-transit 
railways to any city of over 1,000,000 inhabitants formed by the consolidation of one 
or more cities and other territory. This amended act also made it lawful for the 
board of rapid transit railroad commissioners to locate the route of a railroad by 
tunnel under any river or waters, thus making possible the present extension of the 
rapid-transit system from the borough of Manhattan, New York City, under the East 
River to and through a large part of the borough of Brooklyn. The project will, 
when completed, afford considerable relief to people in the latter borough who live 
long distances from the centers of commerce and industry, carrying them to and from 
their homes, far removed from the densely crowded portions of the city, in comfort 
and in much less time than under the existing inadequate method of conveyance, be- 
sides encouraging many who now reside in the congested districts to seek dwelling 
places in less densely settled sections near the Brooklyn terminal o.f the new railway. 



21 

THE PRESIDENT AND THE WORKING MAN— PERSONAL EFFORT THE 
FIRST REQUISITE OF SUCCESS. 

The most extended discussion of the condition and interests of working-men that 
Mr. Roosevelt has offered since he became President is contained in his address at 
the New York State Fair on Labor Day, 1903, which is printed elsewhere in this pam- 
phlet. To appreciate his attitude one must read the entire address as well as the fol- 
lowing quotations from other addresses and public papers. 

Personal effort and the homely old-fashioned virtues are the first requisites of 
order and progress in every community. Thus in an address at Kansas City, Mo., May 
1, 1903, the President said: 

No device that the wit of man can produce, no form of law, no form of associa- 
tion or organization among ourselves, can supply the lack of fundamental virtues, the 
presence of which has meant a great nation, the absence of which has meant the 
downfall of any nation since the world began. No smartness, no mere cleverness 
unaccompanied by the sense of moral responsibility, no governmental scheme will ever 
supply the place of adherence to certain fundamental precepts put forth in the Bible 
and embodied consciously or unconsciously in the code of morals of every great and 
successful nation from antiquity to modern times. Always in any government, among 
any people, there are certain forces for evil which take many shapes, but which are 
rooted in the same base and evil characteristics of the human soul, in tbe evil of 
arrogance, in the evil of jealousy, of envy, of hatred, and to some people the appeal 
is made to yield to one set of evil forces, to some it is made to yield to another set, 
and the result is equally bad in such case 

The vice of arrogance, the vice of hate, and brutal indifference on the part of those 
with wealth to those who have none is a shameful and dreadful vice. It is not one 
whit worse than the vice of rancorous envy, of hatred, and jealousy on the part of 
those who are not well off for those who are better off. The man who by either practice 
or precept seeks to give to any man or to withhold from any man any advantage in 
war, or socially, or in the working of society, or in business because of his wealth or 
because of his poverty is false to the traditions of this Republic. We do not have 
to face the tremendous problems with which you of the years from '61 to '65 were 
brought face to face, but we have problems of our own. 

THE PRESIDENT AND TRADES-UNIONISM. 

While intelligence and character still count as essential elements of success in 
individuals, there remains room for associated action in large enterprises where the 
individual is swallowed up in the multitude and personal contact of employer and 
employee is no longer possible. One of 5,000 wage-workers employed in a factory 
could never hope to induce the employers to reduce his hours of work from fourteen 
or sixteen to ten a day, but if all of the 5,000 workmen unite in such a request they 
may accomplish their object and effect a change so momentous in the lives of work- 
ingmen. The fact is that in a large-scale production the workman is at a hopeless 
disadvantage in making an individual bargain with the employer. His only salvation lies 
in joining his fellow-workmen and making a collective bargain with the employer regard- 
ing wages and the conditions under which they shall work. In forming a union and 
choosing their officers and representatives the workmen are simply following the ex- 
ample of capitalists, who form a corporation and delegate their powers to directors 
or trustees. 

THE NECESSITY OF TRADES UNIONS. 
This fact is fully recognized by President Roosevelt in common with the political 
economists and other leaders of thought at the present time. Thus in his address at 
Sioux Falls, S. Dak., April 6", 1903, he declared that "much can be done by organization, 
combination — union among the wage-workers," and went on to explain the change that 
has come about in modern industry, as follows: 



22 

The wage-workers in our cities, Tike the capitalists in our cities, face totally 
changed conditions. The development of machinery and the extraordinary change in 
business conditions have rendered the employment of capital and of persons in large 
aggregations not merely profitable but often necessary for success, and have specialized 
the labor of the wage-worker at the same time that they have brought great aggrega- 
tions of wage-workers together. More and more in our great industrial centers men 
have come to realize that they can not live as independently of one another as in the 
old days was the case everywhere and as is now the case in the country districts. Of 
course, fundamentally, each man will yet find that the chief factor in determining hi. 
success or failure in life is the sum of his own individual qualities. He can not af- 
ford to lose his individual limitation — his individual will and power, but he can best 
use that power if for certain objects he unites with his fellows. 

MESSAGES. 

Similarly, in his first message to Congress, in 1901, the President declared that 
"very great good has been and will be accomplished by associations of wage-workers 
when managed with forethought, and when they combine insistence upon their own 
rights with law-abiding respect for the rights of others. The display of these qualities 
in such bodies is a duty to the nation no less than to the associations themselves." 

In his second message to Congress, in the year 190.2, President Roosevelt elaborated 
tins thought as follows: 

This is an era of federation and combination. Exactly as business men find they 
must often work through corporations, and as it is a constant tendency of these cor- 
porations to grow larger, so it is often necessary for laboring men to work in federa- 
tions, and the.se have become important factors of modern industrial life. Both kinds 
of federation, capitalistic and labor, can do much good, and as a necessary corollary 
they can both do evil. 

Opposition to each kind of organization should take the form of opposition to 
whatever is bad in the conduct of any given corporation or union, not of attacks upon 
corporations as such nor upon unions as such, for some of the most far-reaching benefit 
•cent work for our people' has been accomplished through both corporations and unions. 
Each must refrain from arbitrary or tyrannous interference with the rights of others. 
Organized capital and organized labor alike should remember that in the long run the 
interest of each must be brought into harmony with the interest of the general pub- 
lic, and the conduct of each must conform to the fundamental rules of obedience to 
the law of individual freedom and of justice and fair dealing toward all. Each should 
remember that in addition to power it must strive after the realization of healthy, lofty, 
and generous ideals. Every employer, every wage-worker must be guaranteed his liberty 
and his right to do as he likes with his property or his labor so long as he does not 
infringe upon the rights of others. 

It is of the highest importance that employer and employee alike should endeavor 
to appreciate each the view point of the other and the sure disaster that will come 
upon both in the long run if either grows to take as habitual an attitude of sour hos- 
tility and distrust toward the other. Few people deserve better of the country than 
those representatives both of capital and labor, and there are many such who work 
continually to bring about a good understanding of this kind, based upon wisdom 
and upon broad and kindly sympathy between employers and employed. Above all, 
we need to remember that any kind of class animosity in the political world is, if 
possible, even more wicked, even more destructive to national welfare, than sectional, 
race, or religious animosity. We can get good government only on condition that 
we keep true to the principles upon which this nation was founded, and judge each 
man, not as a part of a class, but upon his individual merits. All that we have a right 
to ask of any man, rich or poor, whatever his creed, his occupation, his birthplace, or 
his residence, is that he shall act well and honorably by his neighbor and by his coun- 
try. We are neither for the rich man as such nor for the poor man as such; we are 
for the upright man, rich or poor. So far as the constitutional powers of the National 
Government touch these matters of general and vital moment to the nation, they should 
be exercised in conformity with the principles above set forth. 



23 

Developing the same thought, President Roosevelt, in his address at Kansas City, 
INTo., May 1, 1903, said: 

In our complex relations of employer and employee, of one class with another 
class, of one section with another section, we can work out a really successful result 
only if those brought together make an honest effort each to understand his neigh- 
bor's viewpoint, and then an honest effort while working for his own interest to avoid 
working to the detriment of his neighbor. That is so obvious a truth that it is trite, 
but we need to act on it just the same. We need to act upon it, above all, in our in- 
dustrial relations one with another. You are not going to make any new command- 
ments at this stage which will supply the place of the old ones; the truths that were 
true at the foot of Mount Sinai are true now; the truths that were true when the 
Golden Rule was promulgated are true now. 

Each man must work for himself. If he does not, there is no use of anyone 
working for him. Each man must work for himself, and each man must endeavor 
to do his best to get ahead for his own sake, for his wife and children, for those 
dependent upon him; but each man must work for himself with the full recognition 
of his duty to his neighbor or in the end he will bring disaster not merely to his neigh- 
bor, but to himself also. A wrong done is just as much a wrong if it is done by the 
little man against the big man as by the big man against the little man. It is just 
as much wrong if done by the capitalist to the laborer as by the laborer to the capitalist, 
nod the man is no real friend of his country, no real friend of any set of people in 
the country, if he appeals to those people only from the standpoint of asking them 
to see that they get their full share and omits to ask them to remember to do full 
justice to others also. In the long run the wage-Worker and capitalist will go down 
in common ruin if each does not honestly try to get on with and do justice to the 
other. 

ELECTED TO HONOEAEY MEMBERSHIP BY THE BROTHERHOOD CF 

LOCOMOTIVE FIREMEN. 
In September, 1902, the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, assembled in annual 
convention at Chattanooga, Tenn., conferred upon President Roosevelt the. degree of 
grand honorary membership, as indicated in the following report of the proceedings: 

John F. McNorrell, of Columbus, Ohio, one of the grand officers, and a Democratic 
member of the legislature, moved that the degree of grand honorary membership be 
conferred upon President Roosevelt. The motion was referred to the committee on 
constitution and by-laws, whose recommendation was unanimous that the motion be 
adopted. The report of the committee was adopted by a unanimous rising vote amid 
great cheers. 

The President thanked the convention for the compliment paid him, and Grand 
Master Sargent then gave him a pass which admits him to all meetings of the .Brother- 
hood. 

The President, in addressing the convention, declared that "organization is one of 
the laws of our social and economic development at this time. I believe emphatically in 
organized labor." 

UNION LABOR, IN GOVERNMENT WORK. 

In his first message to Congress, in 1901, President Roosevelt recommended that 
'"'provision be made to render the enforcement of the eight-hour law easy and cer- 
tain," and also that the Government should provide in its contracts that all work for 
it should be done under "fair" conditions. 

By this expression it is understood that the President meant that no contract 
should be given or no contractor employed by the Government who would not agree 
to pay the union scale of wages; in other words, no contractor should, in any way, 
be allowed to obtain a contract from the Government by lessening the price paid the 
employees for their labor to a point less than the "fair" or union scale of wages or 
by working more than the usual number of hours per day which had been fixed for 
the trade. 



24. 

THE CASE OF WILLIAM A. MILLER. 

While thus favoring the union standard of wages and hours in Government work 
the President recognizes the illegality of any discrimination for or against members 
of a union. Thus in the case of William A. Miller, who complained that he was re- 
moved from his position of assistant foreman in the Government Printing Office, in 
violation of the civil-service law, because he had been expelled from Local Union No. 
4, of the International Brotherhood of Bookbinders, the President ordered Miller's 
reinstatement and explained the rule governing public employment in the following 
communication to Secretary Cortelyou, in whose charge the President placed the in- 
vestigation : 

Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 13, 1903. 

My Dear Secretary Cortelyou: In accordance with the letter of the Civil-Service 
Commission of July 6, the Public Printer will reinstate Mr, W. A. Miller in his position. 
Meanwhile I will withhold my final decision of the whole case until I have received 
the report of the investigation on Millers second communication, which you notify me 
has been begun to-day, July 13. 

On the face of the papers presented, Miller would appear to have been removed 
in violation of law. There is no objection to the employees of the Government Print- 
ing Office constituting themselves into a union if they so desire, but no rules or reso- 
lutions of that union can be permitted to override the laws of the United States, which 
it is my sworn duty to enforce. 

Please communicate a copy of this letter to the Public Printer for his information 
and that of his subordinates. 

Very truly yours, Theodore Roosevelt. 

Hon. George B. Cortelyou, 

Secretary of Commerce and Labor. 

Oyster Bay, N. Y., July 14, 1903. 

My Dear Mr. Cortelyou: In connection with my letter of yesterday, I call atten- 
tion to this judgment and award by the Anthracite Coal Strike Commission to its 
report to me of March 18 last: 

"It is adjudged and awarded that no person shall be refused employment or in 
any way discriminated against on account of membership or non-membership to any 
labor organization, and that there shall be no discrimination against or interference 
with any employee who is not a member of any labor organization by members of such 
organization.*' 

I heartily approve of this award and judgment by the Commission appointed 
by me, which itself included a member of a labor union. This Commission was deal- 
ing with labor organizations working for private employers. It is, of course, mere 
elementary decency to require that all the Government Departments shall be handled 
in accordance with the principle thus clearly and fearlessly enunciated. 

Please furnish a copy of this letter both to Mr. Palmer and to the Civil Service 
Commission for their guidance. 

Sincerely, yours, Theodore Roosevelt. 

Hon. George B. Cortelyou, 

Secretary of Commerce and Labor. 

MR. MILLER REINSTATED. 

Mr. Palmer, the Public Printer, on Wednesday, July 16, notified Mr. Miller that 
lie had been reinstated and might report for duty any clr.y. 

On September 29, 1903, the President gave a hearing to members of the executive 
council of the American Federation of Labor on the subject of pending labor legis- 
lation, at which he announced his final decision in the Miller case and at the Same 
time explained his preference" for the "union shop" in private employment. The presi- 
dent of tH American Federation of Labor in an address, issued on the succeeding 
day, to organized labor of America thus described President Roosevelt's attitude: 



25 

Replying to statements on the subject, President Roosevelt set forth that in his 
decision he had nothing in mind but a strict compliance with Federal, including civil 
service, law and that he recognized a difference between employment by the Govern- 
ment, circumscribed by those laws, and any other form of employment, and that his 
decision in the Miller case should not be understood to have any other effect or in- 
fluence than affecting direct employment by the Government in accordance therewith. 
He furthermore made plain that in any form of employment excepting that so cir- 
cumscribed he believed the full employment of union men was preferable either to 
non-union or open shops. 

OFFICIAL ACCOUNT OF THE HEAPING. 

September 29, 1903. 

Pursuant to the request of Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federa- 
tion of Labor, the President granted an interview this evening to the following mem- 
bers of the executive council of that body: Mr. Samuel Gompers, Mr. James Duncan, 
Mr. John Mitchell, Mr. James O'Connell, and Mr. Frank Morrison, at which various 
subjects of legislation in the interests of labor, as well as Executive action, were dis- 
cussed. Concerning the case of William A. Miiler, the President made the following 
statements 

"I thank you and your committee for your courtesy, and I appreciate the oppor- 
tunity to meet with you. It will always be a pleasure to see you or any representative 
of your organizations or of your federation as a whole. 

"As regards the Miller case, I have little to add to what I have already said. In 
dealing with it I ask you to remember that I am dealing purely with the relation of 
the Government to its employees. I must govern my action by the laws of <the land, 
which I am sworn to administer, and which differentiate any case in which the Gov- 
ernment of the United States is a party from all other cases whatsoever. These laws 
are enacted for the benefit of the whole people, and can not and must not be con- 
strued as perm'tting discrimination against some of the people. I am President of 
all the people of the United States, without regard to creed, color, birthplace, occu- 
pation, or social condition. My aim is to do equal and exact justice as among them 
all. In the employment and dismissal of men in the Government service I can no more 
recognize the fact that a man does or does not belong to a union, as being for or 
against him, than I can recognize the fact that he is a Protestant or a Catholic, a Jew 
or a Gentile, as being for or against him. 

"In the communications sent me by various labor organizations protesting against 
the retention of Miller in the Government Printing Office the grounds alleged are two- 
fold: First, that he is a non-union man; second, that he is not personally fit. The 
question of his personal fitness is one to be settled in the routine of administrative 
detail, and can not be allowed to conflict with or to complicate the larger question of 
governmental discrimination for or against him or any other man because he is or is 
not a member of a union. This is the only question now before me for decision, and 
as to this my decision is final ." 

In the foregoing statement of policy President Roosevelt merely reiterated his 
well-known conviction that the law must be administered with absolutely no discrimina- 
tion. Thus, in his address at Butte, Mont., May 27, 1903, he declared that — 

The law is no respecter of persons. The law is to be administered neither*- for 
the rich man nor for the poor man as such. It is to be administered for every man, 
rich or poor, if he is an honest and law-abiding citizen, and it is to be invoked against 
any man, rich or poor, who violates it, without regard to which end of the social scale 
he may stand, without regard to whether his offense takes the form of greed and 
cunning or the form of physical violence. In either case, if he violates the law, the 
law is to be invoked against him, and in so invoking it I have the right to challenge 
the support of all good citizens and to demand the acquiescence of every good man. 
I hope I shall have it; but once for all, I wish it understood that even if I did not 
have it, I would enforce the law anyhow. 

CUNNING AS WELL AS FORCE MUST BE SHACKLED. 

In his recognition of unsocial and illegal action through cunning, President Roose- 
velt differs from those critics of workingmen who see crime in every act of intimida- 



26 

tion or physical violence that occurs in the course of a strike or lockout, but fail to 
recognize the lawlessness of the men who obtain special privileges from legislatures 
p.nd municipal councils or evade the payment of their just taxes. Thus, in an address 
at the Buffalo Independent Club, May 5, 1899, Governor Roosevelt declared that — 

The rich man who gets a privilege through the legislature by bribery and cor- 
ruption for any corporation is committing an offense against the community which it 
is possible may some day have to be condoned in blood and destruction, not by him, 
not by his sons, but by you and your sons. 

And while the lawlessness of greed and cunning may lead to anarchy as surely 
as lawless physical violence, "it is far more difficult to deal with, but the effort to 
deal with it must be steadily made," as the President said in his Sioux Falls address, 
April G, 1903. 

But while fearlessly pointing out the lawless acts committed by a few rich men and 
by a few poor men, President Roosevelt does not join in the lamentations of those who 
despair of government by the people. On the contrary, he deprecates the fostering 
of hostility between classes. Speaking at Kansas City, Mo., May 1, 1903, of the won- 
derful industrial growth of the country under the leadership of able business men, 
he said: 

Let us think carefully before by any act of folly on our part we destroy what 
has thus so marvelously been built up. It is easy enough to pull down. It is not so 
easy to rebuild or replace, and let us take serious thought from the history of the 
republics of old and avoid the rocks on which they .foundered, and the chief rock, 
the chief danger in the path of the older republics, of the republics of antiquity and 
the republics of the middle ages, the chief danger came from the growth and encour- 
agement of anything in the nature of fostered hostility. It will be an evil day for 
*js when we let ourselves be persuaded to try to make this a government especially de- 
signed to help any one class save as that class includes its proportion of honest, thrifty, 
hard-working, decent-behaving citizens. 

And it will be only a less evil day when any considerable portion of our people 
fail to remember that the object of this government is to do justice, not to favor 
the rich man as such nor to discriminate against him as such; not to favor the poor 
man as such nor to discriminate against him as such, but to favor every man, rich 
or poor, if he is honest and behaves himself toward, the State and his neighbors'. 

And further, at Butte, Mont., May 27, 1903, lie said: 

This is not and never shall be a Government of a plutocracy; it is not and never 
shall be a Government by a mob. It is, as it has been and as it will be, a Government 
in which every honest man, every decent man, be he employer or employed, wage- 
worker, mechanic, banker, farmer, lawyer, be he who he may, if he acts squarely and 
fairly, if he does his duty by his neighbor and the State, receives the full protection 
of the law and is given the amplest chance to exercise the ability there is within him, 
alone or in combination with his fellows, as he desires. 

THE POLICY OF STATE INTERVENTION. 

While wage-workers have greatly improved their condition by uniting in fraternal 
organizations like trade unions, experience shows that such cooperation is not ade- 
quate to remove all the faults inherent in modern industrial relations. To stop child 
labor and regulate the work of women in the factories, for example, has always been 
regarded as the duty of the entire community and not the peculiar function of lra.de 
unions. The fact is that the very existence of trade unions depends upon the 
valence of a relatively high standard of life, which can only be secured by the . 
of the people through their constituted representatives. 

Thus there is no cooperation among the garment makers of the sweat shops until 
government regulation and inspection have aided them in rising out of the degradation 
of their former homes in foreign countries and the slums of our cities. State inter- 



27 

vention is therefore called for on the principle of equalizing opportunities. It does 
not abolish competition, which still remains the fundamental condition of social prog- 
ress, but it raises competition to a higher level. Employer may still freely compete 
with employer in providing attractive commodities and in reducing their cost by in- 
venting or introducing improved machinery and methods of production, but no em- 
ployer may undersell his rival by using cheap child labor or otherwise exploiting the 
weakness or ignorance of the poor. The law thus favors the humane employer by pro- 
tecting him from the competition of the inhumane employer. In President Roosevelt's 
own words: 

PRINCIPLES OF STATE INTERFERENCE. 

It is not possible empirically to declare when the interference of the State should 
be deemed legitimate and illegitimate. The line of demarcation between unhealthy over- 
interference and unhealthy lack of regulation is not always well denned and shifts with 
the change in our industrial needs. Most certainly we should never invoke the inter- 
ference of the State or nation unless it is absolutely necessary, but it is equally true 
that where confident of its necessity we should not on academic grounds refuse it. 
Wise factory laws, laws to forbid the employment of child labor and to safeguard the 
employees against the effects of culpable negligence by the employer, are necessary 
not merely in the interest of the wage-worker, but in the interest of the honest and 
humane employer, who should not be penalized for his honesty and humanity by being- 
exposed to unchecked competition with an unscrupulous rival. 

In considering any proposed legislation in favor of wage-workers or' others, the 
criterion should be the welfare of the entire community rather than the benefit of any 
class, as the President said in his Labor Day address at Syracuse: 

Legislation to be permanently good for any class must also be good for the nation 
as a whole, and legislation which does injustice to any class is certain to work harm 
to the nation. 

And, further, at Butte, Mont., in May, 1903: 

The most unsafe adviser to follow is the man who would advise us to do wron : 
in order that we may benefit by it. That man is never a safe man to follow, but is 
always the most dangerous of guides. The man who seeks to persuade any of us that' 
our advantage comes in wronging or oppressing another can be depended upon, if 
opportunity comes, to do wrong to us in his own interest just as he has endeavored 
to make us in our supposed interest do wrong to others. 

THE AMERICAN STANDARD OF LIVING. 

Lender the American form of government the bulk of the legislation for the pro- 
tection of wage-workers must be the work of the individual Commonwealths, and when 
he was governor of New York State Mr. Roosevelt, as had been already indicated, took 
an active part in promoting such legislation. But the Federal Government can accom- 
plish a great deal for the maintenance of the relatively high standard of comfort that 
prevails in the United States by excluding the products of cheap foreign labor and 
also shutting out workmen from lower civilizations who are incapable of rising to 
the American standard of living. Such competition may be prevented by wise tariff 
and immigration laws, and on these questions the President expressed himself strongly 
in his first message to the Fifty-seventh Congress, under the date of December 3, 1901, 
in the following language: 

With the sole exception of the farming interest no one matter is of such vital 
moment to our whole people as the welfare of the wage-workers. If the farmer and 
the wage-worker are well off it is absolutely certain that all others will be well off too. 
It is therefore a matter for hearty congratulation that wages on the whole are higher 
to-day in the United States than ever before in our history, and far higher than in 
any other country. The standard of living is also higher than ever before. Every 
effort of legislator and administrator should be to secure the permanency of this condi- 
tion of things and its improvement wherever possible. Not only must our labor be 



28 

protected by the tariff, but it should also be protected as far as possible from the 
presence in this country of any laborers brought over by contract or of those who, 
coming freely, yet represent a standard of living so depressed that they can undersell 
our men in the labor market and drag them to a lower level. I regard it as necessary 
with this end in view, to reenact immediately the law excluding Chinese laborers, and 
to strengthen it wherever necessary in order to make its enforcement entirely effective. 

Our present immigration laws are unsatisfactory. We need every honest and effi- 
cient immigrant fitted to become an American citizen, every immigrant who comes 
here to stay, who brings here a strong body, a stout heart, a good head, and a reso- 
lute purpose to do his duty well in every way and to bring up his children as law- 
abiding and God-fearing members of the community. But there should be a compre- 
hensive law enacted, with the object of working a threefold improvement over our 
present system. First, we should aim to exclude absolutely not only all persons who 
are known to be believers in anarchistic principles or members of anarchistic societies, 
but also all persons who are of a low moral tendency or of unsavory reputation. This 
means that we should require a more thorough system of inspection abroad and a more 
rigid system of examination at our immigration ports, the former being especially 
necessary. 

The second object of a proper immigration law ought to be to. secure by a careful 
and not merely perfunctory educational test some intelligent capacity to appreciate 
American institutions and act sanely as American citizens. This would not keep out 
all anarchists, for many of them belong to the intelligent criminal class. But it would 
do what is also in point — that is, tend to decrease the sum of ignorance, so potent 
in producing the envy, suspicion, malignant passion, and hatred of order, out of which 
anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Finally, all persons should be excluded who 
are below a certain standard of economic fitness to enter our industrial field as com- 
petitors with American labor. There should be proper proof of personal capacity 
to earn an American living, and enough monejr to insure a decent start under Ameri- 
can conditions. This would stop the influx of cheap labor and the resulting compe- 
tion which gives rise to so much of bitterness in American industrial life, and it would 
dry up the springs of the pestilential social conditions in our great cities, where anar- 
chistic organizations have their greatest possibility of growth. 

Both the educational and economic tests in a wise immigration law should be 
designed to protect and elevate the general body politic and social. A very close super- 
vision should be exercised over the steamship companies which mainly bring over the 
immigrants, and they should be held to a strict accountability for any infraction of 
the law. 

CHINESE EXCLUSION LAW RENEWED AND EXTENDED TO THE 

ISLAND TRRITORY. 

Acting upon these recommendations, Congress renewed the Chinese-exclusion law 
and extended it to the island territory, where the system of contract labor had previously 
existed. This act prohibits the immigration of Chinese laborers from such island terri- 
tory to the mainland of the United States, and from one portion of said island territory 
to another portion, but permits their transit from one island to another island of the 
same group. 

A MOUE STRINGENT IMMIGRATION LAW. 

Congress also enacted, and President Roosevelt approved, a more stringent immi- 
gration law, the important amendments being as follows: 

(1) Levying a duty of $2 (an increase of $1) for each and every passenger not a 
citizen of the United States or of the Dominion of Canada, the Republic of Cuba, or 
of the Republic of Mexico who shall come by vessel from any foreign country to any 
port within the United States, or by any railway or any other mode of transportation 
from foreign contiguous territory to the United States. 

(2) Excluding from admission epileptics, and persons who have been insane within 
five years previous, and persons who have had two or more attacks of insanity at any 
time previously; anarchists or persons who believe in or advocate the overthrow by 
force or violence of the Government of the United States or of all government or 
of all forms of law or the assassination of public officials. 



29 

(3) Providing that skilled labor may be imported if labor of like kind unemployed 
can not be found in this country. 

^4) Any person who shall bring into or land in the United States, or who shall 
attempt, by himself or through another, to bring into or land here any alien not duly 
admitted by an immigrant inspector, or not lawfully entitled to enter, shall be liable to 
punishment by a fine not exceeding $1,000 for each alien so landed or attempted to be 
landed or by imprisonment for a term not less than three months nor more than two 
years, or by both such fine and imprisonment. 

(5) Each manifest shall be verified by the signature and the oath or affirmation 
of the master or commanding officer of a vessel or the first or second below him in 
command, taken before an immigration officer at the port of arrival, to the effect that 
he has caused the surgeon of said vessel sailing therewith to make a physical and oral 
examination of each alien. 

(6) Any alien who shall come into the United States in violation of law, or who 
shall be found a public charge therein, from causes existing prior to landing, shall be 
deported to the country whence he came at any time within two years after arrival 
at the expense, including one-half of the cost of inland transportation to the port of 
deportation, of the person bringing such alien into the United States, or, if that can 
not be done, then at the expense of the immigrant fund. In case the Secretary of 
Commerce and Labor shall be satisfied that an alien shall be found in the United 
States in violation of law, he shall cause such alien, within the period of three years 
after landing, to be taken into custody and returned to the country whence he came, 
at the expense, including one-half of the cost of inland transportation to the port of 
deportation, of the person bringing such alien to this country, or, if that can not be 
done, at the expense of the immigrant fund, and neglect or refusal on the part of 
the masters, agents, owners, or consignees of vessels to comply with the order of 
the Secretary of Commerce and Labor to take on board, guard safely, and return to 
the country whence he came, shall be punished by the imposition of penalties pre- 
scribed by law. 

(7) The Commissioner-General of Immigration, under the direction or with the 
approval of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor, shall prescribe rules for the entry 
and inspection of aliens along the borders of Canada and Mexico, so as not to un- 
necessarily delay, impede, or annoy passengers in ordinary travel between the United 
States and those two countries. 

The President has caused the provisions of the act to be so carefully and vigor- 
ously enforced by improved methods of administration under Commissioner-General 
of Immigration Frank P. Sargeant, the former grand master of the Brotherhood of 
Locomotive Firemen, that many hundreds of diseased and unfit foreigners seeking 
entrance to the United States have been deported to their former places of residence. 

PUBLIC EMPLOYMENT. 

The Government is itself a large employer of labor, and by the force of its ex- 
ample exerts a great influence upon other employers. President Roosevelt in his mes- 
sage to Congress has recommended legislation to establish the eight-hour day and 
"fair" wages on all public work, whether done by the Government itself or by con- 
tractors for the Government. Thus his first message to Congress in 1901 contained 
the following recommendations: 

The National Government should demand the highest quality of service from its 
employees, and in return it should be a good employer. If possible, legislation should 
be passed in connection with the* interstate commerce law which will render effective 
the efforts of different States to do away with the competition of convict contract labor 
in the open labor market. So far as practicable under the conditions of Government 



30 

work provision should be made to render the enforcement of the eight-hour law easy 
and certain. In all industries carried on directly or indirectly for the United States 
Government women and children should be protected from excessive hours of labor, 
from night work, and from work under unsanitary conditions. 

The Government should provide in its contracts that all work should be done under 
"fair" conditions, and, in addition to setting a high standard, should uphold it by 
proper inspection, extending, if necessary, to the sub-contractors. The Government 
should forbid all night work for women and children, as well as excessive overtime. 
For the restrict of Columbia a good factory law should be passed, and as a powerful 
indirect aid to such laws, provision should be made to turn the inhabited alleys, the 
existence of which is a reproach to our capital city, into minor streets, where the 
inhabitants can live under conditions favorable to health and morals. 

PROHIBITING THE EMPLOYMENT OF MONGOLIANS ON IRRIGATION 
WORKS AND APPLYING THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW TO SUCH PRO- 
JECTS. 

On June 17, 1903, President Roosevelt approved a measure authorizing the Secre- 
tary of the Interior to cause to be let contracts for the construction, where practicable, 
of irrigation works. The act provides that eight hours shall be a day's labor on such 
projects and prohibits the emploj^ment of Mongolians thereon. 

ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 

President Roosevelt, on July 1, 1902, approved a bill which provided that "neither 
slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party 
shall have been duly convicted, shall exist" in the Philippine Islands. 

The government of the islands is empowered to "grant franchises, privileges, and 
concessions, including the authority to exercise the right of eminent domain for the 
construction and operation of works, of public utility and service." It Is "unlawful 
for any corporation organized under this act, or for any person, company, or cor- 
poration receiving any grant, franchise, or concession from the government of said 
islands to use, employ, or contract for the labor of persons claimed or alleged to be 
held in involuntary servitude and any person, company, or corporation so violating 
the provisions of this act shall forfeit all charters, grants, franchises, and concessions 
for doing business in said islands, and in addition shall be deemed guilty of an offense 
and shall be punished by a fine of not less than $10,000." 

MINE REGULATIONS IN TERRITORIES. 

Through an amendatory act of Congress, signed by President Roosevelt on July 
I, 1902, mine regulations in Territories have been greatly improved. These changes 
have bettered the sanitary condition of mines, thus insuring the preservation of the 
health of miners and other employees, besides affording additional protection to life 
and limb. The amended law requires that — 

The owners or managers of every coal mine shall provide an adequate amount 
of ventilation of not less than 83.«5 cubic feet of pure air per second, or 5,000 cubic 
feet per minute, for every fifty men at work in said mine, and in like proportion for 
;■ greater number, which air shall, by proper appliances or machinery, be forced through 
such mine to the face of each and every working place, so as to dilute and render 
harmless and expel therefrom the noxious or poisonous gases. Whenever it is practic- 
able to do so, the entries, rooms, and all openings being operated in coal mines shall 
he kept well dampened witli Mater to cause the coal dust to' settle, and that when 
water is not obtainable at reasonable cost for this purpose, accumulations of dust shall 
he taken out of the mine and shall not be deposited in way places in the mine where 
it would be again distributed in the atmosphere by the ventilating currents. 

It is also provided that — 

Owners, lessees, operators of, or any other person having the control or manage- 
ment of an}' coal shaft, drift, slope, or pit in the Indian Territory, employing twenty 



31 

or more miners to work in the same, shrill employ shot firers to fire the shots therein. 
Said shots shall not be tired to exceed one per day; at 12 o'clock noon in cases where 
the miners work but half a day, and at 5 o'clock in the evening when the mine is 
working three-quarters or full time, and they shall not be fired until after all miners 
and other employees working in said shafts, drifts, slopes, or pits shall be out of same. 
The violation of this act shall constitute a misdemeanor, and any person convicted 
of such violation shall pay a fine of not exceeding $500. 

DEPARTMENT OF COMMEECE AND LABOR. 
President Roosevelt gave his approval on February 14, 1903, to the Congressional 
bill creating the Department of Commerce and Labor and providing for the appoint- 
ment by the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, of a Secretary of 
Commerce and Labor, a Cabinet officer. The province and duty of the Department 
is to foster, promote, and develop the labor interests, the foreign and domestic com- 
merce, the mining, manufacturing, shipping, and fishery industries, and the transpor- 
tation facilities of the United States; and to this end it is vested with jurisdiction 
and control of several existing departments, bureaus, offices, and branches of the pub- 
lic service, specified in the statute. 

A MODEL LABOR CODE FOR THE DISTRICT OE COLUMBIA. 

While there are not many wage-workers in the District of Columbia to call for legal 
protection, President Roosevelt realizes that if Congress should enact a good labor code 
for the District it would be a model for the States and Territories, and, accordingly, 
in his second message to Congress he renewed his recommendations in favor of such 
legislation in the following language: 

The District of Columbia is the only part of our territory in which the National 
Government exercises local or municipal functions, and where in consequence the Gov- 
ernment has a free hand in reference to certain types of social and economic legis- 
lation which must be essentially local or municipal in character. The Government 
should see to it, for instance, that the hygienic and sanitary legislation aifecting "Wash- 
ington is of a high character. 

The evils of slum dwellings, whether in the shape of crowded and congested tene- 
ment-house districts or of the back-alley type, should never be permitted to grow up 
in Washington. The city should be a model in every respect for all the cities of the 
country. The charitable and correctional systems of the District should receive con- 
sideration at the hands of Congress to the end that they may embody the results of 
the most advanced thought in these fields. Moreover, while Washington is not a great 
industrial city, there is some industrialism here, and our labor legislation, while it 
would not be important in itself, might be made a model for the rest of the nation. 
We should pass, for instance, a wise employers' liability act for the District of Col- 
umbia, and we need such an act in our navy-yards. Railroad companies in the Dis- 
trict ought to be required by lav/ to block their frogs. 

LICENSING EMPLOYMENT OFFICES IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

When he was governor of New York, Mr. Roosevelt called the attention of the 
legislature to the fact that "abuses have occurred in connection with the employment 
offices in the larger cities, which are now allowed to violate the law with impunity, 
the power of punishment lying with the local authorities." He therefore recommended 
the enactment of legislation requiring the keeper of any employment office to procure 
a license on the payment of a substantial fee, thus restricting the business to responsi- 
ble parties and keeping it under the control of the State administration. As Presi- 
dent, to insure Government supervision of employment agencies in the District of Col- 
umbia, he, on July 1, 1902, approved a measure which provides that '"proprietors or 
owners of intelligence offices, information bureaus, registries, or employment offices, 
by whatsoever name called, shaii pay a license tax of $10 per annum." 



32 

EXEMPTING FROM TAXATION IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA 
HOUSEHOLD EFFECTS TO THE VALUE OF $1,000, WEARING AP- 
PAREL, LIBRARIES, BOOKS, Etc. 

According to a bill to which President Roosevelt affixed his signature on July 1, 
1902, the following personal property is exempt from taxation in the District of Col- 
umbia: Household and other belongings, not held for sale, to the value of $1,000, 
owned by the occupant of any dwelling house or other place of abode in which such 
household and other belongings may be located; also, libraries, schoolbooks, wearing 
apparel, articles of personal adornment, all family portraits, and heirlooms. 

EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY LAW. 

President Roosevelt has always expressed himself in favor of employers' liability 
laws under which workingmen suffering injury through the negligence of the employer 
or his agents might recover compensation for his injuries. While governor of New 
York he recommended the enactment of such a law, and in the preceding paragraph 
lie recommended similar legislation for the protection of workmen employed in the 
Government navy-yards, as well as for the District of Columbia, and in fact wherever 
the jurisdiction of the United States is supreme. Many accidents would never occur 
if the employer had to compensate employees injured without fault of their own, 
as is required in most European countries. 

SAFETY-APPLIANCE LAWS. 

Another way in which workingmen may be protected from accidents is by re- 
quiring the employer to safeguard machinery. Federal legislation along this line has 
been restricted to transportation companies engaged in interstate commerce. 

On March 2, 1893, the safety-appliance law, or the "car-coupler bill," as it is 
sometimes called, was passed by Congress. The main purpose of this legislation was 
protection for the lives and limbs of railway employees, and it has proved vastly bene- 
ficial to this class of wage-workers. The reports of the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission show that in 1893, the year in which the law was passed, the casualties to 
railway employees, due to coupling and uncoupling cars, numbered 11,710 (433 deaths 
and 11,277 injuries), while in 1902, the first full year of the law's operation, the cas- 
ualties numbered but 2,25(3 (143 deaths and 2,113 injuries), a decrease of more than 
9,000 in the annual number of casualties of this character, notwithstanding that in 
1902 there were over 20,000 more men at risk than there were in 1893. 

The adoption of these appliances has also been of much benefit to the railroads, 
independently of their effect in adding to the safety of life and limb. Had it not 
been for the general adoption of automatic couplers and air brakes on freight trains 
it would have been impossible for the railroads during recent years to have met the 
wonderfully increased demands of traffic, as they have been met by the use of vastly 
heavier and more powerful locomotives, more capacious cars, and longer and infinitely 
heavier trains — trains that certainly could not have been safely handled with the ap- 
pliances in general use when the law was enacted. 

However, as has been , the case with almost all laws of this character, experience 
disclosed certain defects in the law and showed that it was impossible to obtain the 
full benefit contemplated by the framers of the law without the enactment of certain 
amendments which were proposed. The President took a most active interest in this 
matter, calling attention to it in his message to Congress under date of December 
2, 1902, as follows: 

The safety-appliance law for the better protection of the lives and limbs of rail- 
way employees, which was passed in 1893, went into full effect on August 1, 1901. 



33 

It has resulted in averting thousands of casualties. Experience shows, however, the 

necessity of additional legislation to perfect this law. A bill to provide for this 

passed the Senate at the last session. It is to be hoped that some such measure may 
now be enacted into law. 

The President rendered invaluable assistance in furthering the passage of the 
amended law, which finally passed both Houses of Congress and received the Presi- 
dent's approval on March 2, 1903. 

The necessity for this legislation had become imperative owing t© a decision of 
the circuit court of appeals for the eighth circuit, which held: 

(1) That the law did not require that locomotives or their tenders should be equipped 
with automatic couplers. 

(2) That a car, having completed an interstate journey and laying over at a local 
point for the purpose of renewing or starting upon another interstate journey, was 
not in use in interstate traffic while so laying over, and in any event an empty car 
could not be considered as being used in interstate traffic. 

(3) That if cars were equipped with automatic couplers which would couple auto- 
matically with other couplers of the same kind or type, the law had been complied 
with, that it was not necessary that cars should be equipped with couplers that would 
couple automatically with another make of coupler which might be adopted by another 
road. 

The decision defeated the main purpose of the law — the establishment of uni- 
formity and interchangeability of couplers all over the country. 

The amended law removes all ambiguity concerning the points covered by the 
decision of the circuit court of appeals and cures the defects which Julge Sanborn 
deduced from the wording of the original law, besides adding other important provisions 
calculated to increase the safety of employees. 

The original act applied to cars and trains used in moving interstate traffic, while 
the amended act applies to any common carrier engaged in interstate commerce by 
railroad in the Territories and the District of Columbia, its language being as follows: 

And shall apply in all cases, whether or not the couplers bronchi together are 
of the same kind, make, or type, and the provisions and requirements liereof and of 
said acts relating to train brakes, automatic couplers, grab irons, and the height of 
drawbars, shall be held to apply to all trains, locomotives, tenders, cars, and similar' 
vehicles used on any railroad engaged in interstate commerce, and in the Territories 
and the District of Columbia, and to all other locomotives, cars, and similar vehicles 
used in connection therewith, excepting those trains, cars, and locomotives exempted 
by the provisions of section 6 of said act of March 2, 1893, as amended by the act 
of April 1, 1896, or which are used upon street railways. 

It will thus be seen that under the amended law it is not necessary that a par- 
ticular car or train be used in interstate commerce to bring it under the provisions 
of the law, but merely that the road itself be engaged in handling interstate traffic. 
Locomotives, tenders, snowplows, caboose cars, and all similar vehicles are also brought 
under the operation of the law. The law also requires that all trains on roads engaged 
in interstate commerce shall have at least fifty per cent, of the cars in each train 
equipped with power or train brakes, and such brakes shall be used and operated 
by the engineer of the locomotive hauling such train, and the Interstate Commerce 
Commission may increase this minimum percentage on any road from time to time, 
after full hearing, as the circumstances and conditions of traffic may seem to require, 
the object being to do away with the necessity for men to traverse the tops of rapidly 
moving trains in all sorts of weather for the purpose of controlling their speed bv 
means of the hand brakes. 

3 



84 

THE PRESIDENT AND THE COAL STRIKE OF 1902. 

The President has frequently emphasized the need of more sympathy between em- 
ployers and employees and deprecated the cultivation of class feeling with its re- 
sulting antagonisms. 

Very much of our effort in reference to labor matters — 

He said at Sioux Falls in April, 1903— 

should be by every device and expedient to try to secure a constantly better under- 
standing between employer and employee. Everything possible should be done to 
increase the smypathy and fellow-feeling between them, and every chance taken to 
allow each to look at all questions, especially at questions in dispute, somewhat through 
the other's eyes. 

If met with a sincere desire to act fairly by one another, and if there is, further- 
more, power by each to appreciate the other's standpoint, the chance for trouble is 
minimized. I sirppose every thinking man rejoices when by mediation or arbitration 
it proves possible to settle troubles in time to avert the suffering and bitterness caused 
by strikes. Moreover, a conciliation committee can do best work when the trouble 
is in its beginning, or at least has not come to a head. When the break has actually 
occurred, damage has been done, and each side feels sore and angry, and it is dif- 
ficult to get them together, difficult to make either forget its own wrongs and remember 
the rights of the other. If possible, the effort of conciliation or mediation or arbitra- 
tion should be made in the earlier stages, and should be marked by the wish on the 
part of both sides, to try to -come to a common agreement, which each shall think in 
the interest of the other as well as of itself. 

When we deal with such a subject w r e are fortunate in having before' us an ad- 
mi i able object lesson in the work that has just been closed by the Anthracite Coal 
Strike Commission. This was the commission which was appointed last fall, at the 
time when the coal strike in the anthracite regions threatened our nation with a dis- 
aster second to none which has befallen us since the days of the civil war. Their 
report was made just before the Senate adjourned at the sj>ecial session, and no Gov- 
ernment document of recent years marks a more important piece of work better 
done, and there is none which teaches sounder social morality to our people. The 
commission consisted of seven as good men as were to be found in the country, repre- 
senting the bench, the church, the Army, the professions, the employers, and the em- 
ployed. They acted as a unit and the report which they unanimously signed is a 
masterpiece of sound common sense and of sound doctrine on the very questions with 
which our people should most deeply concern themselves. The immediate effect of 
this commission's appointment and action was of vast and incalculable benefit to the 
nation, but the ultimate effect will be even better if capitalist, wage-worker, and 
lawmaker alike will take to heart and act upon the lessons set forth in the, report 
they have made. 

ULTIMATE EFFECT. 

The appointment of this commission, which resulted in the termination of the 
great coal strike of 1903, is perhaps President Roosevelt's most widely known and 
generally appreciated contribution toward the improvement of industrial relations. 
When the efforts of all other peacemakers had come to naught and the coal famine 
remained unbroken at the near approach of winter, Mr. Roosevelt, as a representa- 
tive American citizen, pleaded with the operators and miners to terminate their dispute 
and resume the mining of coal. Public opinion supported his action so strongly that 
both sides to tire dispute agreed to resume work and leave to a commission to be 
appointed by the President the determination of the conditions of employment con- 
cerning which they had been unable to agree. The President's commission not only 
adjusted the dispute in the coal regions, but in so doing formulated principles of very 
general application to the organization of industry at the present time. The im- 
mediate effect of the commission's appointment was, as the President has himself 
stated, "of vast and incalculable benefit to the nation, but the ultimate effect will be 
even better if capitalist, wage-worker, and lawmaker alike will take to heart and 



85 

act upon the lessons set forth in the report" of the commission. The coal industry 
is typical of all the great industries of to-day that are organized on the principle 
of large-scale production, and its treatment of the labor problem is therefore highly 
illuminative. 

ORIGIN OF THE STRIKE. 

Under the influence of a vast stream of immigration of Poles, Hungarians, and 
Slavs into the coal regions during the last two or three decades wages had. steadily 
declined. The American miners saw their own standard of living threatened by the 
lower standards brought from central Europe unless they could induce these newcomers 
to unite with them in an effort to put an end to the incessant underbidding for employ- 
ment. In 1897 they brought their organization, the United Mine Workers, to such 
state of perfection that it dominated the labor situation in the bituminous re. 
and met the employers' associations on an equality in the annual settlement of the 
terms of employment. In 1899 the organization spread to the anthracite regions and 
the next year was able to secure a 10 per cent, advance in wages, after a comparatively 
short strike that was supported as heartily by the miners outside the union as by 
the minority at that time in the union. 

As a consequence of this triumph a vast majority of the miners joined the or- 
ganization, which thereupon sought to represent the miners in making terms with the 
employers' agents at annual conferences such as were held with the bituminous opera- 
tors. The denial of this request by the officers of the mining corporations nearly 
brought on another strike in 1901, and when" early in 1902 a similar request, accom- 
panied with a demand for an advance in wages, etc., was once more denied, industrial 
peace could no longer be preserved. The operators even refused the union's offer 
to submit its demands to the arbitration of the National Civic Federation or other 
arbitrators, and a week later a delegate convention of the anthracite mine workers 
voted to continue the strike ordered on May 12. In obedience to this decision, says 
the commission, "nearly the entire body of mine workers, which numbers about 147,000, 
abandoned their employment and remained idle until the strike was called off by 
another convention," that is, until October 23, 1902. 

ACTION OF THE PRESIDENT. 

With the progress of summer and the failure of all mediatory efforts to adjust 
the differences between the miners and the operators the scarcity of fuel made itself 
felt. Many factories that were dependent upon anthracite had to shut down, throw- 
ing large numbers of working people out of employment, and the famine prices at 
which coal was sold almost prohibited its use for domestic purposes by the poorer 
families. As cold weather approached the President felt himself virtuaUy compelled 
to act in order to avert unexampled distress throughout all eastern communities that 
depended upon anthracite coal for domestic heating purposes. In October 1 he tele- 
graphed an invitation to the presidents of the five coal railroad companies, a prominent 
individual operator, and the president of the miners' organization to confer with 
him "in regard to the failure of the coal supply, which had become a matter of vital 
concern to the whole nation." To these seven persons, who met the President 

AT THE WHITE HOUSE ON OCTOBER 3, 

Mr. Roosevelt said: "I wish to call your attention to the fact that there are three 
parties affected by the situation in the anthracite trade — the operators, the miners, 
and the general public. I speak for neither the operators- nor the miners, but for 
the general public. The questions at issue which led to the situation affect immediately 
the parties concerned— the operators and the miners — but the situation itself vitally 
affects the public. As long as there seemed to be a reasonable hope that these mat- 



36 

ters could be adjusted between the parties, it did not seem proper to me to intervene 
in any way. I disclaim any right or duty to intervene in this way upon legal grounds 
or upon any official relation that I bear to the situation, but the urgency and the 
terrible nature of the catastrophe impending over a large portion of our people in 
the shape of a winter fuel famine impel me, after much anxious thought, to believe 
that my duty requires me to use whatever influence I personally can ^ bring to an 
end a situation which has become literally intolerable. I wish to emphasize the charac- 
ter of the situation and to say that its gravity is such that I am constrained urgently 
to insist that each one of you realize the heavy burden of responsibility upon him. 

"We are upon the threshold of winter, with an already existing coal famine, 
the future terrors of which we can hardly yet appreciate. The evil possibilities are 
so far-reaching, so appalling, that it seems to mc that you are not only justified in 
sinking, but required to sink for the time being, any tenacity as to your respective 
claims in the matter at issue between you. In my judgment the situation imperatively 
requires that you meet upon the common plane of the necessities of the public. With 
all the earnestness there is in me, I ask that there be an immediate resumption of opera- 
tions in the coal mines in some such way as will without a day's unnecessary delay meet 
the crying needs of the people. 

"I do not invite a discussion of your respective claims and positions. I appeal 
to your patriotism, to the spirit that sinks personal considerations and makes indi- 
vidual sacrifices for the general good." 

At the conclusion of the President's remarks, 

MR. MITCHELL REPLIED AS FOLLOWS: 

Mr. President, I am much impressed with what you say, I am impressed with the 
gravity of the situation. We feel that we are not responsible for this terrible state 
of affairs. We are willing to meet the gentlemen representing the coal operators to 
try to adjust our differences among ourselves. If we can not adjust them that way, 
Mr. President, we are willing that you shall name a tribunal who shall determine the 
issues that have resulted in this strike; and if the gentlemen representing the opera- 
tors will accept the award or decision of such a tribunal, the miners will willingly 
accept it, even if it is against their claims. 

The Pkesident. Before considering what ought to be done I think it only just to 
both of you — both sides — and desirable from my standpoint, that you should have time 
to consider what I have stated as to the reasons for my getting j r ou together, and I 
shall trespass so far upon your good nature as to ask that this interview cease now 
and that you come back at 3 o'clock. I should like you to think over what I have 
stated, not to decide now, but give it careful thought and return at 3 o'clock. 

The conference then adjourned until 3 o'clock. 

The President then put an end to the interview and asked both parties to think 
over what he had stated and return in the afternoon. Upon reassembling the operators 
made long statements of their side of the case; but in reply to the President's inquiry 
whether they would accept Mr. Mitchell's proposition they answered "No." In resy 
to a further question from the President they stated that they would have no dealings 
whatever with Mr. Mitchell looking toward a settlement of the question at issue and 
Hint they had no other proposition to make, save what was contained in the statement 
of Mr. Baer, which, in effect, was that if any man chose to resume work and had a dim- 
cully with his employer, both should leave the settlement of the question to the jud 
the court of common pleas of the district in which the mine was located. 

A COMMISSION OF FIVE TO BE APPOINTED BY THE PRESIDENT. 

In view of the growing public demand for the resumption of coal mining, how- 
ever, the operators reconsidered their refusal to arbitrate their dispute with the miners, 
and a few days later proposed that it be settled by a commission of five, to be ap- 
pointed by the President, and to be composed of an officer of the Army or Navy, an 
expert mining engineer, a United States circuit court judge from Pennsylvania, a 
sociologist, and a man who h"d been in the coal business. As the last-mentioned mem- 



37 

ber would come from the ranks of the employers, the miners naturally demanded a 
modification of the operators' proposition, which should allow them a representative on 
the Commission. 

When the Commission was appointed on October 16 it therefore consisted of six 
members, and by the subsequent addition of the United States Commissioner of Labor 
its final composition was as follows: Brig. Gen. John M. Wilson; Edward M. Parker, 
of the United States Geological Survey; Judge George Gray, of the United States 
circuit court of the eastern district of Pennsylvania; Bishop John L. Spalding, of the 
Catholic Church; Thomas H. Watkins, a retired coal operator; Edgar E. Clark, chief 
of the Order of Railway Conductors, and Hon. Carroll D. Wright. On October 21 a 
convention of the miners voted to submit all the questions at issue to this Commission 
and to resume work on October 23. The presidents of the anthracite coal roads agreed 
to abide by the decision of the Commission, and in the course of its proceedings the 
leading independent operators and non-union miners also became parties to the arbitra- 
tion agreement, so that the board's awards, when announced on March 18, 1903, covered 
virtually the entire anthracite mining industry. 

All through their investigations and deliberations the conviction has grown upon the 
commissioners that if they could evoke and confirm a more genuine spirit of good will, 
a more conciliatory disposition in the operators and their employees in their relations 
toward one another, they would do a better and more lasting work than any which mere 
rulings, however wise or just, may accomplish. Fairness, forbearance, and good will are 
the prerequisites of peace and harmonious cooperation in all the social and economic- 
relation of men. The interests of employer and employees are reciprocal. The success 
of industrial processes is the result of their cooperation, and their attitude toward on • 
another, therefore, should be that of friends, not that of foes; and since those who 
depend for a livelihood on the labor of their hands bear the heavier burdens and have 
less opportunity to upbuild their higher being, the men of position and education, for 
whom they labor, should lead them not more in virtue of their greater ability and capital 
than in virtue of their greater loving-kindness. 

Where production is controlled despotically by capital there may be a seeming- 
prosperity, but the qualities which give sacredness and worth to life are enfeebled or 
destroyed. In the absence of a trustful and conciliatory disposition the strife between 
capital and labor can not be composed by laws and contrivances. The causes from 
which it springs are as deep as man's nature, and nothing that is powerless to illumine 
the mind and touch the heart can reach the fountain head of the evil. So long as 
employers and employees continue to look on one another as opponents . and antagonists 
so long shall their relations be unsatisfactory and strained, requiring but a slight 
thing to provoke the open warfare which is called a strike. 

It is in this spirit the commission has made its investigation and submits its report 
and award, and it is in this spirit the award must be received by all the parties to the 
submission if it is to have the effect desired by them and by all good citizens. 

THE INCREASE OF WAGES. 

The four demands of the miners were for an increase of 20 per cent, in the. piece 
rates paid to contract miners, the rates to be based on weight of the coal instead of 
the carload, a reduction of 20 per cent, (from ten to eight hours a day) in the hours 
of labor of workmen employed by the day, and the recognition of the union by the 
establishment of a joint trade agreement between the representatives of employer, 
and employed. The commission compromised on the matter of wages by awarding an 
increase of 10 per cent., with additional increases under a sliding-scale system when 
the market price of coal rose above the existing level; a reduction in hours from ten 
to nine; the establishment of a joint board of conciliation, representing employers and 
employed, to decide disputed questions during the life of the* award (to March 31, 
1906.) 



38 

THE ADVANCE IN WAGE RATES TOOK EFFECT NOVEMBER 1, 1902. 

The commission found great difficulty in ascertaining the actual earnings of miners, 
owing to their irregular employment. It estimated the average annual income of the 
most highly paid class of employees — the contract miners or skilled hewers of coal- 
to be about $5G0. This was in 1901, "a year of unusual activity in the anthracite field," 
as the commission states. The average number of days throughout the region on which 
the collieries started was about 260, and the miners worked about 236 days, which is 
much more ample employment than they had in other years. Even so, their daily 
earnings (for 313 week days in the year) average only $1.80, which is not a large wage 
when compared with other skilled trades; and when the fearful hazards of their em- 
ployment, exceeding even those of railroad men, are considered, such earnings seem 
quite modest. The miners also had little difficulty in proving that the 10 per cent. 
increase won in 1900 had not improved their condition, since the cost of living had 
correspondingly increased since 1900. 

Several merchants testified that the price of necessaries of life in the anthracite 
region had increased more than 20 per cent, between 1900 and 1902, while the official 
statistics of the United States Department of Labor revealed an increase of 10 per 
cent, in tne price of food consumed by the average workingman's family. In view 
of all the circumstances, the commission awarded a 10 per cent, increase in piece rates, 
to take effect November 1, 1902. Such rates are to be the minimum, and are to be 
increased with every increase in the price of coal above $4.50 a ton at tide water, at 
the rate of 1 per cent, for each 5 cents per ton. While the base price is seldom likely to 
be exceeded, the sliding scale will give to the miners something like two-fifths of the ad- 
vantage of an increase should the operators attempt to gouge the public, and is thus 
.a protection to consumers as well as miners. 

THE MINERS AND THEIR LABORERS. 

The increase in rates granted to contract miners will be shared by them with the 
laborers whom they hire to load their coal, paying therefor about 35 per cent, of their 
gross receipts. 

The laborers' earnings were estimated to be slightly more than 60 per cent of those 
of the real miners, or $350, in 1901. The commission also decided that the laborers 
should be paid directly by the company, instead of by the miners, the amount of their 
earnings as reported by the miners. 

The miners and their laborers constitute about two-fifths of the mine workers, the 
remaining 60 per cent, being men and boys employed chiefly in and about the breakers 
! y the week, day, or hour, and commonly designated as "company men." In their case 
also the commission found that rates of wages were of little significance owing to 
irregular employment; thus, in 1901, the average number of days on which the breakers 
smarted was 258, but the average number of hours per start was only 7.6. 

As the men are paid for a ten-hour day, they averaged only 196 full days in the 
5 ear. The significance of the 10 per cent, reduction in hours now appears, it being 
equivalent to an advance of 11 1-9 per cent, in wages. Thus the "company man" who 
received $1.50 per day really worked for 15 cents an hour on the old basis of the ten- 
hour day. On the new basis of the nine-hour day the wage of $1.50 a day means 16 2-3 
(cuts an hour, and yearly earnings will increase proportionately. The justice of this 
1 I 1-9 per cent increase will be appreciated when it is stated that the average earnings 
of adult men were under $400 in 1901, a year of exceptionally ample employment. Thus 
in 1901 the average number of ten-hour days of employment was 196, as compared with 
119 in 1897 and 148 in 1898. 

The commission found it impracticable to establish a system whereby miners should 



39 

be paid by the ton rather than by the car, but provided that the operators should per- 
mit miners to employ check weighmen to -watch the weighing and docking of coal in 
their interest. 

The only average presented by the commission is one for 35,851 men and boys, 
namely, $377.76, but the detailed statistics seem to justify the foregoing estimate. 

RECOGNITION OF THE UNION. 

Notwithstanding the importance of the wages question, the really fundamental 
point at issue was the recognition of the right of collective bargaining — that is, the 
right of the workingmen to combine and choose representatives to make an annual 
bargain or contract with the company officials (the representatives of the stockholders 
or employers) concerning the conditions of employment, as is the practice in the bitu- 
minous trade, on the great railway systems, and in large-scale manufacturing. While 
denying in terms the miners' demand for "the incorporation in an agreement between 
the United Mine Workers and the anthracite coal companies of the wages which shall 
be paid and the conditions of employment which shall obtain, together with satisfac- 
tory methods for the adjustment of grievances," the commission in effect sustained 
the miners by upholding the principle of collective bargaining and by establishing a 
joint board of arbitration, on which the representatives of the employees must inevi- 
tably be officers of the union. 

THE FUNDAMENTAL DOCTRINE OF TRADE UNIONISM IS SUPPORTED 
BY THE COMMISSION IN THE FOLLOWING WORDS: 

In the days when the employer had but few employees, personal acquaintance and 
direct contact of the employer and the employee resulted in mutual knowledge of the 
surrounding conditions and the desires of each. The development of the employers 
into large corporations has rendered such personal contact and acquaintance between 
the responsible employer and the individual employee no longer possible in the old 
sense. The tendency toward peace and good-fellowship which grows out of personal 
acquaintance or direct contact should not, however, be lost through this evolution to 
greater combinations. There seems to be no medium through which to preserve it so 
natural and efficient as that of an organization of employees governed by rules which 
represent the will of a properly constituted majority of its members and officered 
by members selected for that purpose, and in whom authority to administer the rules 
and affairs of the union and its members is vested. 

The men employed in a certain line of work or branch of industry have similar 
feelings, aspirations, and convictions, the natural outgrowth of their common work and 
common trend or application of mind. The union, representing their community of in- 
terests, is the logical result of their community of thought. It encourages calm and in- 
telligent consideration of matters of common interest. In the absence of a union the 
extremist gets a ready hearing for incendiary appeals to the prejudice or passion when 
a grievance, real or fancied, of a general nature presents itself for consideration. 

The claim of the worker that he has the same right to join with his fellows in 
forming an organization through which to be. represented that the stock-holder of the 
corporation has to join others in forming, the corporation and to be represented by 
the directors and other officers seems to be thoroughly well founded not only in ethics, 
but under economic considerations. Some employers say to their employees: "We 
do not object to your -joining the union, but we will not recognize your union nor 
deal with it as representing you." If the union is to be rendered impotent and its 
usefulness is to be nullified by refusing to permit it to perform the functions for 
which it is created and for which alone it exists, permission to join it may well be 
considered as a privilege of doubtful value. 

Trades unionism is rapidly becoming a matter of business, and that employer who 
fails to give the same careful attention to the question of his. relation to his labor 
or his employees which he gives to the other factors which enter into the conduct of 
his business makes a mistake which soonc* or later he will be obliged to correct. 
In this as in other things it is much better to start right than to make mistakes in 
starting, which necessitate returning to correct them. Experience shows that the i 



40 

full the recognition given to a trades union the more businesslike and responsible it be- 
comes. Through dealing with business men in business matters its more intelligent, con- 
servative, and responsible members come to the front and' gain general control and 
direction of its affairs. If the energy of the employer is directed to discouragement 
and repression of the union, he need not be surprised if the more radically inclined 
members are the ones most frequently heard. 

The commission agrees that a plan under which all questions of difference between 
the employer and his employees shall first be considered in conference between the 
employer or his official representative and a committee chosen by his employees from 
their own ranks is most likely to produce satisfactory results and harmonious relations, 
and at such conference the employees should have the right to call to their assistance 
such representatives or agents as they may choose, and to have them recognized as such. 

BUT THE COMMISSION ALSO POINTS OUT THE OBLIGATIONS OF 

UNION MEN, THUS: 

In order to be entitled to such recognition the labor organization or union must 
give the same recognition to the rights of the employer and of others which it demands 
for itself and for its members. The worker has the right to quit or to strike in conj unc- 
tion with his fellows, when by so doing he does not violate a contract made by or for 
him. He has neither the right nor license to destroy or to damage the property of the 
employer; neither has he any right or license to intimidate or to use violence against 
the man who chooses to exercise his right to work, nor to interfere with those who 
do not feel that the union offers the best method for adjusting grievances. 

The union must not undertake to assume or to interfere with the management 
of the business of the employer. It should strive to make membership in it so valu- 
able as to attract all who are eligible; but in its efforts to build itself up it must 
not lose sight of the fact that those who may think differently have certain rights 
guaranteed them by our free government. However irritating it may be to/see a man 
enjoy benefits to the securing of which he refuses to contribute, either morally or 
physically or financially, the fact that he has a right to dispose of his personal ser- 
vices as he chooses can not be ignored. The non-union man assumes the whole re- 
sponsibility which results from his being such, but his right and privilege of being a 
non-union man are sanctioned in law and morals. 

THE COMMISSION DECLARES THAT THE BIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES 
OF NONUNION MEN ARE AS SACRED TO THEM AS THE RIGHTS 
AND PRIVILEGES OF UNIONISTS. 

The contention that a majority of the employees in an industry, by voluntarily 
associating themselves in a union, acquire authority over those who do not so asso- 
ciate themselves is untenable. Those who voluntarily associate themselves believe that 
in their efforts to improve conditions they are working as much in the interest of 
the unorganized as in their own, and out of this grows the contention that when a 
non-union man works during a strike he violates the rights and privileges of those 
associated in efforts to better the general condition and in aspirations to a higher 
standard of living. 

The non-union man, who does not believe that the union can accomplish these 
filings, insists with equal sincerity that Hie union destroys his efforts to secure a better 
standard of living, and interferes with his aspirations for improvement. The fallacy 
of such argument lies in the use of the analogy of State government, under which the 
minority acquiesces in the rule of the majority, but government is the result of organic 
law, within the scope of which no other government can assume authority to coi 
the minority. In all acts of government the minority takes part, and when it is de- 
feated the government becomes the agency of all, not simply of the majority. 

It should be remembered that the trade union is a voluntary social organization, 
and, like any other organization, is subordinate to the laws of^fce land and can not 
make rules or regulations in contravention thereof. Yet it at times seeks to set 
itself up as a separate and distinct governing agency and to control those who have 
refused to join its ranks and to consent to its government, and to deny to them the 
personal liberties which are guaranteed to- every citizen by the Constitution and 
of the land. The analogy, therefore, is unsound and docs not apply. 



41 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN SAID: 

"No man is good enough to govern another man without that other's consent. 1 ' 
This is as true in trade unions as elsewhere, and not until those who fail to recognize 
this truth abandon their attitude toward non-union men and follow the suggestion 
made above — that is, to make their work and their membership so valuable and at- 
tractive that all who are eligible to membership will come under their rule — will they 
secure that firm and constant sympathy of the public which their general purposes 
seem to demand. 

- The commission stated its belief that with certain changes in its constitution the 
mine- workers' organization would merit recognition by the employers. At present 
the boys in the union constitute about 20 per cent, of the membership, and the pres- 
ence of this immature element might readily lead to trouble by carrying a vote for 
a strike when the more conservative and experienced members might be opposed to. it. 
The commission also believes that instead of a majority vote there should be required 
at least a two-thirds vote of all the delegates in a convention in order to begin a strike. 
Finally, the commission expresses a hope that — 

When under the award the parties have faithfully obeyed its terms and thus learned 
to deal with each other, a trade agreement between operators and an anthracite mine 
workers' organization may commend itself to both sides. We believe this, especially 
when it is considered that in other directions and in other industries such agreements 
have been made and adhered to for terms of years, completely avoiding strikes and labor 
controversies generally. Of course, here and there in the bituminous regions these 
agreements may not have worked with perfect satisfaction to both parties, and in some 
districts they have been abandoned after a brief trial. But, on the whole, the experi- 
ence under them in this country and in England testifies to their great usefulness in 
preserving peace and harmony. 

Meanwhile during the life of the award, disputes arising between employers and 
employees are to be adjusted by a permanent joint committee or board of concilia- 
tion composed of three representatives of the operators and the same number of repre- 
sentatives of the miners. When this committee is unable to decide any question sub- 
mitted, such question is to be referred to an umpire appointed by a judge of the 
United States circuit court. . As the miners' representatives in each of the three dis- 
tricts are to be selected by the union whenever its membership comprises a majority 
of the mine workers in that district, the award is tantamount to the recognition of 
the union during the three years of its life. 

THE RIGHT TO STRIKE AND THE RIGHT TO WORK. 

Having thus vindicated the principles of unionism, the commission ruled that no 
operator should discriminate against union men in the matter of employment. It 
likewise ruled that union men should not discriminate against or interfere with non- 
unionists, pointing out that such discrimination on the part of either employer or 
employed constitutes a serious menace to the discipline of the miner, which, on account 
of the hazardous nature of the work, should be as nearly perfect as possible. 

The right to strike the commission firmly upholds, but this does not include the 
right to persecute men who choose to work. 

A strike set on foot with the view to the accomplishment of its purpose by intim- 
idation or violence exercised against those who choose to remain at work violates the 
law from the beginning. Where, however, the strike itself is separable from the illegal 
violence and intimidation which in many cases accompany it, the legal liability for such 
violence and intimidation rests alone upon the individuals who commit the act, and those 
who aid, encourage, and abet them. Though no illegality of purpose is imputable to 
those inaugurating a strike, its existence, if it involve large numbers of men in a single 
community, tends of itself to produce disorder and lawlessness. 

As has been said, the idle and vicious, who are in no way connected with the pur- 



42 

pose or object of the strike, often unite with the loss orderly of the strikers them- 
selves in creating the deplorable scenes of violence and terror which have all too often 
characterized the otherwise laudable efforts of organized labor to improve its conditions. 
Surely this tendency to disorder and violation of law imposes upon the organization 
which begins and conducts a movement of such importance a grave responsibility. It 
has, by its voluntary act, created dangers, and should therefore be vigilant in^avert- 
ing them. It has, by the concerted action of many, aroused passions which, uncon- 
trolled, threaten the public peace. It therefore owes society the duty of exerting its 
power to check and confine these passions within the bounds of reason and law. Such 
organizations should be the powerful coadjutors of government in maintaining, the 
peace and upholding the law. Only so can they deserve and attain the respect' due 
to good citizenship, and only so can they accomplish the beneficent ends which for the 
most part they are created to attain. 

A LABOR OR OTHER ORGANIZATION WHOSE PURPOSE CAN ONLY BE 
ACCOMPLISHED BY THE VIOLATION OF LAW AND ORDER OE SO- 
CIETY HAS NO RIGHT TO EXIST. 

The right to remain at work where others have ceased to work, or to engage anew 
in work which others have abandoned, is part of the personal liberty of a citizen that 
can never be surrendered, and every infringement thereof merits, and should receive, 
the stern denouncement of the law. All government implies restraint, and it is not 
less, but more, necessary in self-governed communities than in others to compel re- 
straint of the passions of men which make for disorder and lawlessness. Our lan- 
guage is the language of a free people, and fails to furnish any form of speech by 
which the right o,f a citizen to work when he pleases, for whom he pleases, and on what 
terms he pleases can be successfully denied. The common sense of our people as well 
as the common law forbids that this right should be assailed with impunity. It is vain 
to say that the man who remains at work while others cease to work or takes the place 
of one who has abandoned his work helps to defeat the aspirations of men who seek 
to obtain better recompense for their labor and better conditions of life. Approval 
of the object of a strike or persuasion that its purpose is high and noble can not sanc- 
tion an attempt to destroy the right of others to a different opinion in this respect, 
or to interfere with their conduct in choosing to work upon what terms and at what 
time and for whom it may please them so to do. 

The commission censured both operators and miners for the disorder, violence, and 
lawlessness that accompanied the strike and culminated in three murders. It depre- 
cated the employment by the mining companies of »coal and iron policemen as mili- 
tating against the very purpose for which they are employed — that of preserving peace 
and protecting property — while as a body they were men of good character, the com- 
mission found that there was a sufficient number of bad characters to. discredit the 
efforts of the whole body. On the other hand, the strikers had permitted intimida- 
tion, riot, and bloodshed; men who chose to be employed or who remained at work 
were assailed and threatened, and they and their families terrorized and intimidated. 
While "the leaders of the union, and notably its president, condemned all violence 
and exhorted their followers to sobriety and moderation * * * the subordinate lo- 
cal organizations and their leaders were not so amenable to such counsels as to prevent 
the regrettable occurrences. It is in the power of a minority of the less responsible 
men and boys, together with the idle and vicious, unless properly restrained, to destroy 
the peace and order of any community, and absence of protection and of active re- 
sistance on the part of the better element means encouragement and license to this 
class." 

BOYCOTTING AND BLACKLISTING. 

The commission also condemned the practice of blacklisting and certain kinds of 

boycotting. It distinguished between a "primary" and a "secondary" boycott. The 

former "consists merely in the voluntary abstention of one or many persons from 

social or business relations with one whom they dislike. This might amount to a 



43 

conspiracy at law if the ingredient of malicious purpose and concerted action to ac- 
complish it were present," although the law on this point is uncertain. But when there 
is "a concerted purpose of a number of persons not only to abstain themselves from 
such intercourse, but to render the life of the victim miserable by persuading and in- 
timidating others so to refrain, such purpose is a malicious one, and the concerted 
attempt to accomplish it is a conspiracy at common law, and merits and should re- 
ceive the punishment due to such a crime." 

Examples of such secondary boycotts are not wanting in the record of the case 
before the commission. A young schoolmistress of intelligence, character, and attain- 
ments was so boycotted and her dismissal from employment compelled for no other 
reason than that a brother, not living in her immediate family, chose to work contrary 
to the wishes and will of the striking miners. In several instances tradesmen were 
threatened with a boycott; that is, that all connected with the strikers would with- 
hold from them their custom, and persuade others to do so, if they continued to fur- 
nish the necessaries of life to the families of certain workmen who had come under 
the ban of the displeasure of the striking organizations. 

This was carrying the boycott to an extent which was condemned by Mr. Mitchell, 
president of the United Mine Workers of America, in his testimony before the com- 
mission, and winch certainly deserves the reprobation of all thoughtful and law- 
abiding citizens: 

Closely allied to the boycott is the blacklist, by which employers of labor sometimes 
prevent the employment by others of men whom they have discharged. In other words, 
it is a combination among employers not to employ workmen discharged by any of the 
members of said combination. This system is as reprehensible and as cruel as the boy- 
cott, and should be frowned down by all humane men. Wherever it is practiced to 
the extent of being founded upon an agreement or concerted action, it, too, comes within 
the definition of the crime of conspiracy, and as such should be punished. There is 
also a civil remedy open to one who suffers from having been blacklisted, in an action 
against those who are a party to it, to recover damages compensatory of the injury 
received. 

COMPTTLSORY INVESTIGATION. 

The commission discussed various plans of adjusting great industrial disputes 
and pronounced against compulsory arbitration. It does not — 

believe that in the United States such a system would meet with general approval or 
with success. Apart from the apparent lack of constitutional power to enact laws pro- 
viding for compulsory arbitration, our industries are too vast and too complicated 
for the practical application of such a system. 

We do believe, however, that the State and Federal Governments should provide 
the machinery for what may be called the compulsory investigation of controversies 
when they arise. The States can do this, whatever the nature of the controversy. The 
Federal Government can resort to some such measure when difficulties arise by reason 
of which the transportation of the United States mails, the operations, civil or mili- 
tary, of the Government of the United States, or the free and regular movement of 
commerce among the several States and with foreign nations are interrupted or directly 
affected or are threatened with being interrupted or affected. 

The commission trusts that when the time during which its awards are to remain 
in force shall have elapsed, the relations of operator and employee will have so 
far improved as to make impossible such a condition as existed throughout the country 
in consequence of the strike in the anthracite region. Nevertheless the public has the 
right, when controversies like that of last year cause it serious loss and suffering, to 
know all the facts, and so be able to fix the responsibility. In order to do this power 
must be ghen the authorized representatives of the people to act for them by con- 
dueling a thorough investigation into all the matters involved in the controversy. This, 
of course, applies only to those cases where great public interests are at stake. It 
should not apply to petty difficulties or local strikes. 

The chief benefit to be derived from the suggestion herein made lies in placing 



44 

the real facts and the responsibility for such condition authoritatively before the people, 
that public opinion may crystallize and make its power felt. Could such a commis- 
sion as that suggested have been brought to existence in June last, we believe that the 
coal famine might have been averted; certainly the suffering and deprivation migiit 
have been greatly mitigated. 

THE PRESIDENT AND PROPERTY RIGHTS. 

President Roosevelt's successful intervention in the coal strike met with the al- 
most unanimous approval of the people, irrespective of their political affiliations. It 
was not until the commission's award had been made, and thought of the great dis- 
turbance nearly banished from the minds of the people, that criticism of his conduct, 
arising out of the resentment of the coal mine presidents and the desire to make po- 
litical capital, began to appear, based on the allegation that his interference amounted 
to a modification of property rights. But the criticism was hushed almost as soon 
as it appeared by the declaration of Judge Gray, a member of the political party 
opposed to the President, that "the President's action, so far from interfering with 
or infringing upon prox>erty rights, tended to conserve them." 

JUDGE GRAY'S STATEMENT, WHICH APPEARED IN A NEW YORK 
CITY NEWSPAPER SEPTEMBER 1, 1903, WAS AS FOLLOWS: 

I have no hesitation in saying that the President of the United States was con- 
fronted in October, 1902, by the existence of a crisis more grave and threatening than 
any that had occurred since the civil. war. I mean that the cessation of mining in the 
anthracite coal country, brought about by the dispute between the miners and 
those who control the greatest natural monopoly in this country and perhaps 
in the world, had brought upon more than one-half of the American people' a 
condition of deprivation of one of the necessaries of life, and the probable 
continuance of the dispute threatened not only the comfort and health, but the safety 
and good order of the nation. He was without legal or constitutional power to inter- 
fere, but his position as President of the United States gave him an influence, a lead- 
ership, as first citizen of the Republic, that enabled him to appeal to the patriotism 
and good sense of the parties to the controversy and to place upon them the moral 
coercion of public opinion to agree to an arbitrament of the strike then existing and 
threatening consequences so direful to the whole county. He acted promptly and 
courageously, and in so doing averted the dangers to which I have alluded. 

So far from interfering or infringing upon property rights, the President's action 
tended to conserve them. The peculiar situation as regards the anthracite coal in- 
terest was that they controlled a natural monopoly of a product necessary to the 
comfort and to the very life of a large portion of the people. A prolonged depriva- 
tion of the enjoyment of this necessary of life would have tended to precipitate an 
attack upon these property rights of which you speak, for, after all, it is vain to 
deny that this property, so peculiar in its conditions, and which is properly spoken 
of as a "natural monopoly," is affected with public interest. 

I do not think that any President ever acted more wisely, courageously, or promptly 
in a national crisis. Mr. Roosevelt deserves unstinted praise for what he did. 

EXTRACTS FROM THEODORE ROOSEVELT'S PUBLIC PAPERS AND 

ADDRESSES. 

Under this caption are included extracts from the messages of Theodore Roose- 
velt while governor of New York and as President of the United States, besides ex- 
cerpts from his most important addresses on the rostrum. These public papers and 
speeches cover a wide range of industrial subjects, and are replete with valuable sug- 
gestions as well as progressive ideas, extending through the gamut of economic thought. 
They stamp him as a man of broad views, one whose honesty, temerity, and activity 
in human affairs for the good of all make him worthy of the confidence and support 
or every right-tliinking citizen. 



45 

IMPOSSIBLE TO OVERESTIMATE THE AMOUNT OF GOOD ACCOM- 
PLISHED THROUGH ORGANIZED LABOR. 

It must always be a peculiar privilege for any thoughtful public man to address 
a body of men predominantly composed of wage- workers, for the foundation of our 
whole social structure rests upon the material and moral well-being, the intelligence, 
the foresight, the sanity, the sense of duty, and the wholesome patriotism of the wage- 
worker. This is doubly the case now, for in addition to each man's individual action 
you have learned the great lesson of acting in combination. It would be impossible 
to overestimate the far-reaChing influences of and, on the whole, the amount of good 
done through your associations. * * * In our cities, or where men congregate in 
masses, it is often necessary to work in combination — that is, through associations — 
and here it is that we can see the great good conferred by labor organizations, by trade 
unions. (Speech on September 3, 1900, at the Chicago Labor Day picnic.) 

NECESSITY EOR LABOR UNIONS. 

The most vital problem with which this country, and for that, matter the whole 
civilized world, has to deal is the problem which has for one side the betterment of 
social conditions, moral and physical, in large cities, and for another side the effort 
to deal with that tangle of far-reaching questions which we group together when we 
speak of "labor." The chief factor in the success of each man— wage-worker, farmer, 
and capitalist alike — must ever be the sum total of his own individual qualities and 
abilities. Second only to this comes the power of acting in combination or association 
with others. Very great good has been and will be accomplished by associations or 
unions of wage-workers, when managed with forethought and when they combine insist- 
ence upon their own rights with law-abiding respect for the rights of others. The dis- 
play of these qualities in such bodies is a duty to the nation no less than to the associa- 
tions themselves. Finally, there must also be, in many cases, action by the Government 
in order to safeguard the rights and interests of all. Under our Constitution there is 
much more scope for such action by the State and municipality than by the nation. But 
on points such as those touched on above the National Government can act. (Message 
to the Fifty-seventh Congress, in 1901.) 

MUCH CAN BE DONE BY TRADE UNIONS AND SIMILAR ORGANIZA- 
TIONS. 

Before us loom industrial problems, vast in their importance and their complexity. 
The last half century has been one of extraordinary social and industrial develop- 
ment. The cnanges have been far-reaching, some of them for good and some of them 
for evil. It is not given to the wisest of us to see into the future with absolute clear- 
ness. No man can be certain that he has found the entire solution of this infinitely 
great and intricate problem, and yet each man of us, if he would do his duty, must 
strive manfully, so far as in him lies, to help bring about that solution. 

It is not as yet possible to say what shall be the exact limit of influence allowed 
the State or what limit shall be set to that right of individual initiative so dear to the 
hearts of the American people. All we can say is that the need has been shown on 
the one hand for action by the people in their collective capacity through the State in 
many matters; that in other matters much can be done by associations of different 
groups of individuals, as in trade unions and similar organizations, and that in other 
matters it remains now as true as ever that final success will be for the man who 
trusts in the struggle only to his cool head, his brave heart, and his strong right arm. 
These are spheres in which a comparatively free field must be given to individual initia- 
tive. (Chicago Labor Day Speech, September 3, 1900.) 

VITAL IMPORTANCE OF ASSOCIATION. 

• The more a healthy American sees of one's fellow- Americans the greater grows his 
conviction that our chief troubles come from mutual misunderstanding — from failure 
to appreciate one another's point of view. In other words, the great need is fellow- 
feeling — sympathy, brotherhood — and all this mutually comes by association. It is 
therefore of vital importance that there should be such association. (At Chicago Labor 
Day picnic, Sept. 3, 1900.) 



46 

MEN SHOULD STRIVE FOR THEIR BETTERMENT AND STAND FOR 

THEIR RIGHTS. 

Many qualities are needed in order that we can contribute our mite toward the 
upward movement of the world — the quality of self-abnegation, and yet combined with 
it the quality which will refuse to submit to injustice. I want to preach the two quali- 
ties going hand in hand. I do not want a man to fail to try to strive for his own better- 
ment; I do not want him to be quick to yield to injustice, but I want him to stand for his 
rights. (Address before the Railroad Branch of the Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tion at Topeka, Kans., May 1, 1903.) 

ELEVATION OF LABOR. 

Bills have come to me this winter that were not what I wanted them to be, but I 
felt that they were steps in the right direction and 1 approved them. I found out, 
and you must find out, that if you are going to accomplish things you must yield some- 
thing of your own wishes to the wishes of others, else you will get nowhere. Take the 
labor law for instance. That had much that was crude in it and many things that 
were good. I believe we should, as fast as we can, elevate labor. Don't applaud what 
is a self-evident fact, gentlemen. Everybody believes that we should help our fellow- 
men, and I have tried to find out since I have been in public life how our fellow- 
countrymen could best be helped. I have found that there is a kind of help which is 
no help at all and some which offers a temporary benefit. But, because the labor law 
contained some bad features along with its good ones, should 1 have vetoed it? That 
bill in its basis is all right. (Address to the City Club, New York City, May 9, 1899.) 

RAILROAD MEN MAKE GOOD SOLDIERS AND CITIZENS. 

All kinds of honorable work entitle those following them to honor. For the last 
few weeks and for the next few every minute and every hour my safety depends upon 
how the railroad men do their work. Naturally, I take a peculiar interest in 
them. But we must take the same interest in all men who do their work well. If 
a man does his duty he is a good citizen and we should be proud of him. Just let 
me say one word especially to the railroad men. I recollect the last time I ever met 
General Sherman he told me that if he had to raise an army composed purely of one 
class he would take railroad men, because they developed four or five qualities that 
counted more than anything else — qualities of taking risks, of irregular hours (so that 
to be up at night does not strike them with horror), of accepting responsibility, and 
yet of obeying orders and of obeying them at once, not wondering whether to 
turn the switch then or later, but turning it then, and in consequence the men have 
had that training which will make good soldiers, and when you make a really good 
soldier you will make a good citizen. We can not all be railroad, men, but we can all 
be good citizens and show the same type of quality. (Address at fruckee, Cal., May 
19, 1903.) 

RAILROAD EMPLOYEES POSSESS CHARACTER AND QUALITIES OF 
COURAGE AND HARDIHOOD. 

In our present advanced civilization we have to pay certain penalties for what 
Ave have obtained. Among the penalties is the fact that in very many occupations 
is so little demand upon nerve, hardihood, and endurance that there is a tendency to 
unhealthy softening of fiber and relaxation of fiber, and such being the case I think 
it is a fortunate thing for our people as a whole that there should be certain occupa- 
tions, prominent among them railroading, in which the man has to show the very qualities 
of courage, of hardihood, of willingness to face danger, the cultivation of the power 
of instantaneous decision under difficulties, and the other qualities which go to make 
up the virile side of a man's character. * * * 

I greet this audience, this great body of delegates, with peculiar pleasure, be- 
cause they are men who embody, and embody by the very fact of their presence here, 
the essential sets of qualities of which I have been speaking. They embody the capacity 
for self-help with the desire mutually to help one the other. You have got several 
qualities I like. You have got sound bodies. Your profession is not one that can !>e 
carried on, at least in some of its branches very favorably without the sound body. 
You have got sound minds, and that is better than sound bodies, and, finally, the facl 
that you arc here, the fact that you have done what you have done, shows that you 



47 

have that which counts for more than body, for more than mind — character. Character 
— that is what tells in the long run, character — which is compounded of many different 
qualities; in the first place perseverance, resolution, refusal to be daunted. (Address 
before the railroad branch of the Young Men's Christian Association at Topeka, Kans., 
May 1, 1903.) 

PROTECTION TO THE AMERICAN WORKINGMAN IN HIS STANDARD 
OF WAGES AND LIVING. 

The one consideration which never must be omitted in a tariff change is the im- 
perative need of preserving the American standard of living for the American work- 
ingman. The tariff rate must never fall below that which will protect the American 
workingrnan by allowing for the difference between the general labor cost here and 
abroad, so as to at least equalize the conditions arising from the difference in the 
standard of labor here and abroad, a difference which it should be our aim to foster, 
in so far as it represents the needs of better educated, better paid, better fed, and 
better clothed workingmen of a higher type than any to be found in a foreign country. 

At ail hazards, and no matter what else is sought for or accomplished by changes 
/ of the tariff, the American workingrnan must be protected in his standard of wages — that 
is, in his standard of living — and must be secured the fullest opportunity of employ- 
ment. Our laws .should in no event afford advantage to foreign industries over Ameri- 
can industries. They should in no event do less than equalize the differences in condi- 
tions at home and abroad. The general tariff policy to which, without regard to changes 
in detail, I believe this country to be irrevocably committed is fundamentally based 
upon ample recognition of the difference in labor cost here and abroad; in other words, 
the recognition of the need for full development of the intelligence, the comfort, the 
high standard of civilized living, and the inventive genius of the American working- 
man as compared to the workingrnan of any other country in the world. (Address at 
Logansport, Ind., September 2% 1903.) 

INCREASED PROSPERITY OF THE WORKINGMAN AND THE FARMER. 

In speaking on Labor Day at the annual fair of the New York State Agricultural 
Association it is natural to keep especially in mind the two bodies who compose the 
majority of our people and upon whose welfare depends the welfare of the entire 
State. If circumstances are such that thrift, energy, industry, and forethought enable 
the farmer — the tiller of the soil — on the one hand and the wage-worker on the other 
to keep themselves, their wives, and their children in reasonable comfort, then the 
State is well off, and we can be assured that the other classes in the community will 
likewise prosper. On the other hand, if there is in the long run a lack in prosperity 
among the two classes named, then all other prosperity is sure to be more seeming 
than real. 

It has been our profound good fortune as a nation that hitherto, disregarding ex- 
ceptional periods of depression and the normal and inevitable fluctuations, there has 
been on the whole from the beginning of our Government to the present day a pro- 
gressive betterment alike in the condition of the tiller of the soil and in the condition 
of the nian who by his manual skill and labor supports himself and his family and 
endeavors to bring up his children so they may be at least as well off as and if possible 
better off than he himself has been. There are, of course, exceptions; but as a whole 
the standard of living among the farmers of our country has risen from generation to 
generation, and the wealth represented on the farms has steadily increased, while the 
wages of labor have likewise risen, both as regards the actual money paid and as 
regards the purchasing power which that money represents. 

Side by side with this increase in the prosperity of the wage-worker and the tiller 
oi the soil has gone on a great increase in the prosperity among the business men and 
among certain classes of professional men, and the prosperity of these men has been 
partly "the cause and partly the consequence of the prosperity of farmer and wage- 
worker. It can not be too often repeated that in this country, in the long run, we all 
of us tend to go up or go down together. If the average of well-being is high, it 
means that the average wage- worker, the average farmer, and the average business 
man are all alike well off. If the average shrinks, there is not one of these classes 
which will not feel the shrinkage. 

Of course there are always some men who are not affected by good times, just as 
there are some men who are not affected by bad times; but speaking broadly, it is 



48 

true that if prosperity comes all of us tend to share more or less therein, and that 
if adversity comes each of us, to a greater or less extent, feels the tension. Un- 
fortunately, in this world the innocent frequently find themselves obliged to pay some 
of the penalty for the misdeeds of the guilty, and, so, if hard times come, whether they 
be due to our own fault or to our misfortune, whether they be due to some burst oV 
speculative frenzy that has caused a portion of the business world to lose its head 
— a loss which no legislation can possibly supply — or whether they be due to any lack 
of wisdom in a portion of the world of labor, in each case the trouble, once started, 
is felt more or less in every walk of life. (Labor Day speech at Svracuse, N. Y., Sep- 
tember 7, 1903.) 

CARRYING AMERICAN GOODS IN AMERICAN-BUILT SHIPS. 

Shipping lines, if established to the principal countries with wliich we have deal- 
ings, would be of political as well as commercial benefit. From every standpoint it 
is unwise for the United States to continue to rely upon the ships of competing nation 5 
for the distribution of our goods. It should be made advantageous to carry Ameri- 
can goods in American-built ships. (Message to Congress, December 3, 1901.) 

AMERICAN WAGE-WORKERS TAKE KEEN PRIDE IN THEIR WORK 
AND WISH TO TURN OUT A PERFECT JOB. 

American wage-workers work with their heads as well as their hands. Moreover, 
they take a keen pride in what they are doing, so that, independent of the reward, 
they wish to turn out a perfect job. This is the great secret of our success in com- 
petition with the labor of foreign countries. (Message to Congress, December 3, 1901.) 

MAKING THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW OPERATIVE. 

This bill carries out the recommendation made in my message to the legislature 
that the eight-hour law should be so amended as to make it effective. It will work on 
the whole an undoubted improvement. * * * The need of the passage of this Law 
is evident. There is at present and has long been on the statute books an eight-hour 
law, but it is so easy of evasion that it has been largely inoperative. It is always 
detrimental to the best interests of the State to have a law on the statute books which 
pretends to do something and does not do it, and this of course is especially the case 
where it is highly important that the nominal end sought to be attained really should 
be attained. The general tendency toward an eight-hour working day has undoubtedly 
been healthful. * * * The permission to work overtime for additional compensa- 
tion nas resulted in such widespread evasion and nullification of the purposes of the 
law, especially among contractors, that it is wise to take it away in most cases. (Mem- 
orandum filed May 12, 1899, with approved assembly bill regulating labor hours on 
public work in New York State.) 

WISE LABOR LEGISLATION IS OF MORE REAL BENEFIT TO THE COM- 
MUNITY THAN ANY OTHER KIND OF LAW. 

On no subject is it more important to have wise and sound legislation than where 
the interests of labor are concerned. When such legislation is good it probably accom- 
plishes more real benefit to the community than can be accomplished by any other 
kind of law, but crude and hasty labor legislation either wholly fails to accomplish 
anything — being so drawn as to be ineffective — or else works harm instead of good to 
the very people supposed to be benefited. (Message to New York assembly, April 3, 
1899.) 

LEGISLATION TO SHIELD THE INTEREST OF WAGE-WORKERS. 

It is not only highly desirable, but necessary, that there should be legislation 
which shall carefully shield the interests of wage- workers and which shall discriminate 
in favor of the honest and humane* employer by removing the disadvantage under 
which he stands when compared with unscrupulous competitors who have no conscience 
and will do right only under fear of punishment. (Address on "National Duties'" at 
Minnesota State Fair, Minneapolis, September 2, 1901.) 



49 

AS MUCH THE STATE'S DUTY TO PROTECT THE WEAKER WAGE- 
WORKERS FROM OPPRESSION AS TO PROTECT HELPLESS INVEST- 
ORS FROM FRAUD. 

During the past year very valuable labor measures have been enacted into laws, 
and they are well enforced. *" * * Additional legislation will undoubtedly from time 
to time become necessary, but many vitally needed laws have already been put upon 
the statute books. As experience shows their defects these will be remedied. A strin- 
gent eight-hour labor law has been enacted. This is working well as a whole. In 
nothing do we need to exercise cooler judgment than in labor legislation. Such legis- 
lation is absolutely necessary, alike from the humanitarian and the industrial stand- 
points, and it is as much our duty to protect the weaker wage-workers from oppres- 
sion as to protect helpless investors from fraud. (Annual message to the New York 
legislature January 3, 1900.) ' 

LABOR LAWS HAVE WORKED WELL. 

How far we shall go in regulating the hours of labor or the liabilities of em- 
ployers is a matter of expediency, and each case must be determined on its own merits, 
exactly as it is a matter of expediency to determine what so-called "public utilities" 
the community shall itself own and what ones it shall leave to private or corporate 
ownership, securing to itself merely the right to regulate. Sometimes one course is 
expedient, sometimes the other. In my own State during the last half dozen years we 
have made a number of notable strides in labor legislation, and with a very few excep- 
tions the laws have worked well. (Chicago Labor Day address, September 3, 1900.) 

EFFECTIVE LEGISLATION AGAINST SWEAT SHOPS. 

The Costello bill does not go as far as I should like to see it go, but it does not 
take an enormous stride in advance, representing the first really effective bit of legis- 
lation against the sweat shops which has been enacted in this State. It is in line with 
and to a large extent carries out one of tlje suggestions in my message to the legis- 
lature upon which I dwelt with particular emphasis. (Message to the New York assem- 
bly, April 3, 1899.) 

The factory-inspection department of New York deals chiefly, of course, with 
conditions in great cities. One very important phase of its work during the last two 
years has been the enforcement of the anti-sweat-shop law, which is primarily designed 
to do away with the tenement-house factory. The conditions of life in some of the 
congested tenement-house districts, notably in New York City, had become such as to 
demand action by the State. As with other reforms, in order to make it stable and 
permanent it had to be gradual. It proceeded by evolution, not revolution. But prog- 
ress has been steady, and wherever needed it has been radical. Much remains to be 
done, but the condition of the dwellers in the congested districts has been markedly 
improved, to the great benefit not only of themselves but of the whole community. 
(Address at Chicago Labor Day picnic, September 3, 1900.) 

EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. 

The liability of employers to their employees is now recognized in the laws of 
most of the great industrial communities of the world. While employers ought not 
to be burdened to such an extent as to endanger ordinary business transactions, yet 
the State should, so far as possible, protect those employees engaged in dangerous 
occupation';, and should see that every reasonable provision is taken to guard their 
rights. (Annual message to the New York legislature, January 3, 1900.) 

CHEAPNESS SECURED UNDER THE PADRONE SYSTEM IS OBTAINED 
AT THE SACRIFICE OF GOOD CITIZENSHIP. 

It is even more important to reach contractors who do the State work than to 
reach the public servants of the State proper. Cheapness secured by the employment 
of gangs of men under the padrone system is cheapness for which the State pays 
altogether too dearly, for it is obtained at the cost of the sacrifice of good citizenship. 
It is therefore just that the ordinary employee of the State and of contractors who 

4 



50 

do State work should work for but eight hours and should receive a rate of wages not 
less than that paid for other labor of the same kind where the structure is to be put 
up, this not interfering with the purchase of a finished product. (Memorandum filed 
May 12, 1899, with approved assembly bill regulating hours of labor on public work in 
New York State.) 

THE STATE'S LABOR DEPARTMENTS SHOULD RECEIVE PROMPT AND 
CORDIAL COOPERATION IN EVERY ATTEMPT TO ETJLFILL THEIR 
RESPECTIVE DUTIES. 

The bureau of labor statistics, the board of mediation and arbitration, and the 
factory inspectors' department must be brought to the highest standard of efficiency 
and usefulness. The work of these departments — to report the actual conditions of 
labor, to seek to establish harmonious relations between labor and capital, and to enforce 
such labor legislation as have met with the approval of the people of the State — is of su- 
preme importance. The efficiency of their service concerns not only those immediate iy 
affected, but also the entire public, and they should receive our prompt and cordial co- 
operation in every attempt to fulfill their respective duties. (Annual message to the New 
York legislature, January 2, 1899.) 

LABOR STATISTICS OF VITAL CONCERN TO ALL LEADING LABOR 

INTERESTS. 

The bureau of labor statistics in collecting the material for its reports has received 
valuable aid from manufacturers and officers of labor organizations. The reports of 
the department must be practical, strictly accurate in all statements of fact, and based 
on investigations conducted in accordance with modern scientific methods. (Message 
to the New York Legislature, January 2, 1899.) 

The experiment of publishing a quarterly bulletin by the bureau of labor statistics 
has worked excellently, and the bulletin should be continued and improved. (Message 
to the New York legislature, January 3, 1^)00.) 

The bureau of labor statistics (of New York) has done more than merely gather 
the statistics, for by keeping in close touch with all the leading labor interests it lias 
kept them informed on countless matters that were really of vital concern to them. 
Incidentally one pleasing feature of the work of this bureau has been the steady up- 
ward tendency shown during the last four years, both in amount of wages received and 
?n the quantity and steadiness of employment. (Chicago Labor Day speech, Septera- 
■er 3, 19a0.) 

STATE CONTROL OF EMPLOYMENT OFFICES. 

Abuses have occurred in connection with the employment offices in the larger 
cities, which are now allowed to violate the law with impunity, the power of punish- 
ment lying with the local authorities. It would be well to require the keeper of any 
employment office to procure a license from the State, as in Minnesota and other 
States. This license should be granted on the payment of a substantial fee, and the 
business would thus be restricted to responsible parties and kept under the control of 
the State administration. (Annual message to the New York legislature, Januarv 3, 
1900.) 

STATE OWNERSHIP OF PRINTING PLANT. 

It may well be considered by you whether by the passage of an act establishing 
a State printing bureau, equipped with every modern device, the cost to the State of 
its printing might not be reduced. This item has become a large one in the I 
expenditure, and a trial of State ownership, if found to be economical, I would advise. 
(Message to the New York legislature, January 3, 1900.) 

THE STATE SHOULD BE AN EXEMPLARY EMPLOYER. 

It is wise for the State to set a good example as an employer of labor, both as 
to the number of hours of labor exacted and as to paying a just and reasonable w 
(Memorandum filed on May 12, 1899, with approved bill regulating working hours on 
public work in New York State.) 

In new York * * * we determined that as an employer of labor the State 
should set a good example to other employers. We do not permit the people's money 



51 

to be squandered or to tolerate any work that is not the best. But we think that while 
rigidly insisting upon good work we should see that there is fair play in return. 
Accordingly we have adopted an eight-hour law for the State employees and for all 
contractors who do State work, and we have also adopted a law requiring that the 
fair market rate of wages shall be given. I am glad to say that both measures have 
so far, on the whole, worked well. * * * The practical experiment of working men 
for eight hours has been advantageous to the State. Poor work is always dear, 
whether poorly paid or not, and good work is always well worth having, and as a 
mere question of expediency, aside, even, from the question of humanity, we find that 
we can obtain the best work by paying fair wages and permitting the work to go only 
for a reasonable time. (Address at the Chicago Labor Day picnic, September 3, 1900.) 

FREE MECHANICS MUST NOT BE BROUGHT INTO COMPETITION WITH 

PRISON LABOR. 

A recent decision of the court of appeals has decided unconstitutional the law 
which provides th^£ there shall be a mark on prison-made goods indicating that they 
are such. This matter should receive the attention of the legislature in order that 
some means may be devised whereby the free mechanic shall not be brought into com- 
petition with prison labor. (Annual message to the New York legislature, January 
2, 1899.) 

IN LABOR DISPUTES MEDIATION IS PREFERABLE TO ARBITRATION. 

In various trades the relations between labor and capital have frequently been 
adjusted to the advantage of both by conferences between intelligent employers and 
reasonable workingmen. Such mutual understanding is in the highest degree desirable. 
It promotes industrial peace and general prosperity. Where disturbance exists, and 
before it has gone too far, the board of mediation and arbitration should seek to secure 
a fair settlement of the difficulties and a reestablishment of harmonious relations. It 
should also constantly endeavor to promote the extension of intelligent methods of 
settlement of labor disputes, so that, through the recognition by each party of the 
just rights of the other, strikes and lockouts may yield, to wiser and more peaceful 
measures. (Message to the New York legislature, January 2, 1899.) 

The work of mediation — that is, of settling the dispute before it has reached an 
acute stage — is even more important and successful than that of arbitration proper, 
after the strike is once on. This being so, it would be well to enact legislation which 
would compel parties to labor disputes to notify the board [of mediation and arbitra- 
tion] of impending trouble or of strikes and lockouts. (Message to New York legis- 
lature, January 3, 1900.) 

Where possible, it is always better to mediate before the strike begins than to 
try to arbitrate when the fight is on and both sides have grown stubborn and bitter. 
(Labor Day speech on September 3, 1900, at Chicago.) 

ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKE COMMISSION ANXIOUS TO SEE RIGHT 

AND JUSTICE PREVAIL. 

Our complex industrial civilization has not only been productive of much benefit, 
but has also brought us face to face with many puzzling problems— problems that are 
puzzling partly because there are men that are wicked, partly because there are good 
men who are foolish or shortsighted. There are many such to-day — the problems of 
labor and capital, the problems which we group together rather vaguely when we speak 
of the problems of the trusts, the problems affecting the farmers on- the one hand, 
the railroads on the other. It would not be possible in any one place to deal with the 
particular shapes which these problems take at that time and in that place. And yet 
there are certain general rules which can be laid down for dealing with all of them, 
and those rules are the immutable rules of justice, of sanity, of courage, of common 
sense. 

Six months ago it fell to my lot to appoint a commission to investigate into and 
conclude about matters connected with the great and menacing strike in the anthra- 
cite coal fields of Pennsylvania. On that Commission I appointed representatives of 
the church, of the bench, of the Army, representatives of the capitalists of the region, 
and a representative of organized labor. They published a report, which was not 
only of the utmost moment because of dealing with the great and vital problem with 



52 



which they were appointed to deal, but also in its conclusion initiating certain general 
rules m so clear and masterful a fashion that I wish most earnestly it could receive 
the broadest circulation as a tract wherever there exists or threatens to exist trouble 
in any way akin to that with which those commissioners dealt. All of them unani 
mously signed that report— all of them, as American citizens, anxious to see right and 
justice prevail. (Address at Omaha, Nebr., April 27, 1903.) 

A GET-TOGETHEK POLICY WILL TEND TO SOLVE INDUSTRIAL AND 

OTHER PROBLEMS. 

Capital and wage-worker alike should honestly endeavor each to look at any mat- 
ter from the other's standpoint, with a freedom on the one hand from the contempt be 
arrogance which looks upon the man of less means, and on the other from the p> 
iff 8 C £ nte , m P tlb ;. e f envy jealousy, and rancor which hates another because he is better 
oflF. Each quality is the complement of the other, the supplement of the other and 
in point of baseness there is not the weight of a finger to choose between them Loo 
at the report signed by the Anthracite Coal Strike Commission, look at it in the spirit 
in which they wrote it, and if you can only make yourselves, make the commuh 
approach the problems of the day in the spirit that those men, your feHo ° ™ owed 
in approaching the great problem of yesterday, any problem or problems will be sohed 
(Address at Umaha, Neor., April 27, 1903.) tu - 

I have a great deal of faith in the average American citizen. I think he "is a 
pretty good fellow and I think he can generally get on with the other a.Vr age Ameri- 
can citizen if he will only know it. If he does not know it, but makes him f monsti 
in his mind, then he will not get on with him. But if he will take the trouble tTknow 
him and realize that he is a being just like himself, with the same instincts, not a 
of them good the same desire to overcome those that are not good, the same purpose 
the same tendencies and shortcomings, the same desires for good, the same^ecd of 
striving against evil; if he will realize all that, and if you ctn get the tTo toother 
with an honest desire each to try not only to help himself, but to help the other" most 
all our problems will. be solved. (Speech at Topeka, Kans., May 1, 1903.) 

TO HAVE THE SAME INTERESTS, NEEDS, AND ASPIRATIONS EVERY 
AMERICAN SHOULD UNDERSTAND AND WORK WITH HIS PET 
LOW-CITIZENS. * 

panionshio'wirh^en 1 I?" lab ° red a ! on S side of and got thrown into intimate com- 

f th ^Northwest I oon ZV* 7^ "^ -° f ^ ^ WaS in the Cattle co ™tn 
nhEr JNO , ltmv ? b t- - 1 soon g^w to have an immense liking and respect for mv asso 

^:;xtr h ^ s her stood on a «£^&& st 

it did not a t f ake r fon^be X W ^Ta" 10 close , Nations with the farmers, and 
V \ l ke lon 8. before I had moved them up alongside of mv beloved cowmen 

nil .T-uluallv SWffi* * r* thl ? Wn int ° intimate COrtt act with railroad men, 
aftd 1 gradually came to the conclusion that these railroad men were about the fi est 

ll'rown nt C o e eW e SK?^^ ™ e "' ta the C ™ rSe of ^me onic^ wo L I w ; 
heTuildii , traded f^S? fJ^Aifi T^l ° f the car P en ters; blacksmiths, and men in 
me DUimmg trades— that is, skilled mechanics of a high order— and it was not lhnir 
before I had them on the same pedestal with the others. l °' g 

l,„r in 7 ™ ^ • > ^ t0 dawn ° Ilme that the difference was not in the men 
^S rro.rfT"' ^ tha V f an - 7 man is thrown into close torrtact wit,' 

not Sow to^ee?fo fh^T'f^ V S apt \° be the man ' s own fault if he doe. 
not grow to teel for them a very hearty regard and, moreover, grow to understand 
that™ the great questions that lie at the root of human well-behfg he and then tVel 

wffh°W6 ^ r n ne nC f d aS H naH ° n is thHt ever - y Am erican should understand and work 
with his fellow-citizens, getting into touch with them, so that by actual contact he 
may learn hat fundamentally Be and they have the same interests! needs and I asnira! 
t?ofc* (Labor Pay address at Chicago, September 3, 1900.) ' p * 



£3 

THE MASS OF AMERICANS DO NOT; WANT CHARITY, BUT DESIRE TO 
HOLD THEIR OWN IN THE WORLD. 

It ought not to be necessary for me to warn you against mere sentimentality, 
against the philanthropy and charity which are not merely insufficient, hut harmful. 
It is eminently desirable that we should none of us be hard-hearted, but it is no less 
desirable that we should not be soft-headed. I really do not know which quality is 
most productive of evil to mankind in the long run, hardness of heart or softness of 
head. Naked charity is not what we permanently want. There are, of course, certain 
classes, such as young children, widows with large families, or crippled or very aged 
people, or even strong men temporarily crushed by stunning misfortune, on whose 
behalf we may have to make a frank and direct appeal to charity, and who can be 
the recipients of it without any loss of self-respect. But taking us as a whole, taking 
the mass of Americans, we do not want charity, we do not want sentimentality, we 
merely want to learn how to act both individually and together in such fashion as 
to enable us to hold our own in the world, to do good to others according to the 
measure of our opportunities, and to receive good from others in ways which will not 
entail on our part any loss of self-respect. (Address before the Young Men's Christian 
Association, Carnegie Hall, New York City, December 30, 1900.) 

NO ROOM EOR THE WILLFULLY IDLE. 

Throughout our history the success of the home-maker has been but another name 
for the upbuilding of the nation. The men who with ax in the forests and pick in 
the mountains and plow on the prairies pushed to completion the dominion of our 
people over the American wilderness have given the definite shape to our nation. They 
have shown the qualities of daring, endurance, and far-sightedness, of eager desire for 
victor}'- and stubborn refusal to accept defeat, which go to make up the essential 
manliness of the American character. Above all, they have recognized in practical 
form the fundamental law of success in American life, the law of worthy work, the 
law of high, resolute endeavor. V\ T e have but little room among our people for \the 
timid, the irresolute, and the idle; and it is no less true that, there is scant room in 
the world at large for the nation with mighty thews that dares not to be great. 

Sometimes we hear those who do not Avork spoken of with envy. Surely the wilfully 
idle need arouse in the breast of a healthy man no emotion stronger than that of 
contempt, at the outside no emotion stronger than angry contempt. The feeling of 
envy would have in it an admission of inferiority on our part, to which the men who 
know not the sterner joys of life are not entitled. Poverty is a bitter thing, but it 
is not as bitter as the existence of restless vacuity and physical, moral, and intellectual 
fiabbiness, to which those doom themselves who elect to spend all their years in that 
vainest of all vain pursuits — the pursuit of mere pleasure as a sufficient end in itself. 
The work may be done in a thousand different ways, with the brain or with the hands, 
in the study, the field, or the workshop. If it is honest work, honestly done and well 
worth doing, that is all we have a right to ask. (Address at Minneapolis, September 
2, 1901.) 

A POUND OF CONSTRUCTION IS WORTH A TON OF DESTRUCTION. 

It ought to be no less unnecessary to say that any man who tries to solve the 
great problems that confront us by an appeal to anger and passion, to ignorance and 
folly, to malice and envy, is not, and never can be, aught but an enemy of the very 
people he professes to befriend. In the words of Lowell, it is far safer to adopt "ail 
men up" than "some men down" for a motto. Speaking broadly, we can not, in the 
long run, benefit one man by the downfall of another. Our energies can, as a rule, 
be employed to more better advantage in uplifting some than in pulling down others. 
Of course there must sometimes be pulling down, too. We have no business to blink 
at evils, and where it is necessary that the knife should be used, let it be used unspar- 
ingly, but let it be used intelligently. When there is need of a drastic remedy, apply 
it, but do not apply it in the mere spirit of hate. Normally, a pound of construction 
is worth a ton of destruction. (Address to the Young Men's Christian Association, 
in New York City, December 30, 1900.) 



54 

SPURN THE LEADERSHIP OF THOSE WHO SEEK TO EXCITE CLASS 

ANTAGONISM. 

People show themselves just as unfit for liberty whether they submit to anarchy 
or to tyranny, and class government whether it be the government of a plutocracy or 
the government of a mob, is equally incompatible with the principles established in the 
days of Washington and perpetuated in the days of Lincoln. * * * 

The reason why our future is assured lies in the fact that our people are genuinely 
skilled in and fitted for self-government, and therefore will spurn the leadership of 
those who seek to excite this ferocious and foolish class antagonism. The average 
American knows not only that he himself intends to do about what is right, but that 
his average fellow-countryman has the same intention and the same power to make his 
intention effective. He knows, whether he be business man, professional man, farmer, 
mechanic, employer, or wage-worker, that the welfare of each of these men is bound 
up with the welfare of all the others, that each neighbor to the other is actuated by 
the same hopes ajid fears, has fundamentally the same ideals, and that all alike have 
much the same virtues and the same faults. 



OUR AVERAGE FELLOW-CITIZEN 

is a sane and healthy man who believes in decency and has a wholesome mind. He 
therefore feels an equal scorn alike for the man of wealth guilty of the mean and 
base spirit of arrogance toward those who are less well off, and for the man. of small 
means who in his turn either feels or seeks to excite in others the feeling of mean 
and base envy for those who are better off. The two feelings, envy and arrogance, 
are but opposite sides of the same shield, but different developments of the same spirit. 
Fundamentally, the unscrupulous rich man who seeks to exploit and oppress those who 
are less well off is in spirit not opposed to, but identical with, the unscrupulous poor 
man who desires to plunder and oppress those who are better off. The courtier and 
the demagogue are but developments of the same type under different conditions, each 
manifesting the same servile spirit, the same desire to rise by pandering to base pas- 
sions, though one panders to power in the shape of a single man and the other to 
power in the shape of a multitude. So likewise the man who wishes to rise by wrong- 
ing others must by right be contrasted, not with the man who likewise wishes to do 
wrong, though to a different set of people, but with the man who wishes to do justice 
to all people and to wrong none. 

The line of cleavage between good and bad citizenship lies not between the man 
of wealth who acts squarely by his fellows and the man who seeks each day's wage 
by that day's work, wronging no one and doing his duty to his neighbor; nor yet does 
this line of cleavage divide the unscrupulous wealthy man who exploits others in his 
own interests from the demagogue or from the sullen and envious being who wishes 
to attack all men of property, whether they do well or ill. On the contrary, the line 
of cleavage between good citizenship and bad citizenship separates the rich man who 
does well from the rich man who does ill, the poor man of good conduct from the 
poor man of bad conduct. This line of cleavage lies at right angles to any such 
arbitrary line of division as that separating one class from another, one locality from 
another, or men with a certain degree of property from those of a less degree of 
property. 

The good citizen is the man who, whatever his wealth or his poverty, strives man- 
fully to do his duty to himself, to his family, to his neighbor, to the State; who is 
incapable of the baseness which manifests itself either in arrogance or in envy, but 
who while demanding justice for himself is no less scrupulous to do justice to others. 
It is because the average American citizen, rich or poor, is of just this type that we 
have cause for our profound faith in the future of the Republic. 

Ours is a government of liberty, by, through, and under the law. Lawlessness 
and connivance'at lawbreaking, whether the lawbreaking take the form of a crime 
of greed and cunning or of a crime of violence, are destructive not only of order, 
but of the true liberties which can only come through order. If alive to their true 
interests, rich and poor alike will set their faces like flint against the spirit which seeks 
personal advantage by overriding the laws, without regard to whether this spirit shows 
itself in the form of bodily violence by one set of men or in the form of vulpine cun- 
ning by another set of men. (Speech at New York State Fair, at Syracuse, on Labor 
Day, September 7, 1903.) 



55 

ONE LAW ONLY, ALIKE FOR THE RICH AND THE POOR. 

Let the watchwords of all our people be the old familiar watchwords of honesty, 
decency, fair dealing, and common sense. The qualities denoted by these words are 
essential to all of u^, as we deal with the complex industrial problems of to-day, the 
problems affecting not merely the accumulation but even more, the wise distribution of 
wealth. We ask no man's permission when we require him to obey the law, neither the 
permission of the poor man nor yet of the rich man. Least of all can the man of 
great wealth afford to break the law, even for his own financial advantage, for the 
law is his prop and support, and it is both foolish and profoundly unpatriotic for him 
to fail in giving hearty support to those who show that there is in very fact one law 
and one law only, alike for the rich and the poor, for the great and the small. 

Men sincerely interested in the due protection of property and men sincerely inter- 
ested in seeing that the just rights of labor are guaranteed, should alike remember not 
only that in the long run neither the capitalist nor the wage-worker can be helped in 
healthy fashion save by helping the other, but also that to require either side to obey 
the law and do its full duty toward the community is emphatically to that side's real 
interest. 

There is no worse enemy of the wage-worker than the man who condones mob 
violence in any shape, or who preaches class hatred, and surely the slightest acquaint- 
ance with our industrial history should teach even the most short sighted that the times 
of most suffering for our people as a whole, the times when business is stagnant and 
capital suffers from shrinkage and gets no return from its investments are exactly 
the times of hardship and want and grim disaster among the poor. If all the exist- 
ing instrumentalities of wealth could be abolished, the first and severest suffering would 
come among those of us who are least well off at present. The wage-worker is well 
off only when the rest of the country is well off, and he can best contribute to his gen- 
eral well-being by showing sanity and a firm purpose to do justice to others. 

In his turn the capitalist, who is really a conservative, the man who has fore- 
thought as well as patriotism, should heartily welcome every effort, legislative or other- 
wise, which has for its object to secure fair dealing by capital, corporate or individual 
toward the public and toward the employee. Such laws as the franchis*e-tax law. in 
this State, which the court of appeals recently unanimously decided constitutional — 
such a law as that passed by Congress last year for the purpose of establishing a 
Department of Commerce and Labor, under which there should be a bureau to over- 
see and secure publicity from the great corporations which do an interstate business 
— such a law as that passed at the same time for the regulation of the great high- 
ways of commerce, so as to keep these roads clear on fair terms to all producers in 
getting their goods to market — these laws are in the interest not merely of the people 
as a whole, but of the propertied classes. For in no way is the stability of property 
better assured than by making it patent to our people that property bears its proper 
share of the burdens of the State, that property is handled not only in the interest 
of the owner, but in the interest of the whole community. 

In other words, legislation to be permanently good for any class must also be good 
for the nation as a whole, and legislation which does injustice to any class is certain 
to work harm to the nation. (Labor Day address at New York State Fair, in Syracuse, 
September 7, 1903.) 

CORPORATIONS ARE BENEFITED WHEN REQUIRED TO OBEY THE 

LAW. 

Every man who has made wealth or used it in developing great legitimate busi- 
ness enterprises has been of benefit and not harm to the country at large. This city 
has grown by leaps and bounds only when the railroads came to it, when the railroads 
came to the State, and if the State were now cut off from its connection by rail and 
by steamship with the rest of the world its position would, of course, diminish incalcu- 
lably. Great good has come from the development of our railroad system, great good 
has been done by the individuals and corporations that have made that development 
possible, and in return good has been done to them, and not harm, when they are re- 
quired to obey the law. (Address at Spokane, Wash., May 27, 1903.) 



56 

OPENS ARMORIES FOR THE RECEPTION OF HOMELESS PEOPLE IN 
NEW YORK CITY DURING THE BLIZZARD OF 1899. 

Before I make my formal speech I ask your permission to say one thing. Since 
coming to New York this afternoon there has been very vividly brought home to me, 
what perhaps all of you have realized the last two or three days, the terrible distress 
this unprecedented weather is causing, and, although I can not say I had exactly war- 
rant in law for what I have done, yet I trust that the senator will see that the legis- 
lature supports me. I have directed the commander of the State Guard, Major-Genera! 
Roe, to throw open live of the armories, those of the Eighth, Ninth, Twelfth, Sixty- 
ninth, and Seventy-first Regiments, which were in the parts of the city where we 
thought the greatest distress could with most celerity be relieved, to throw open those 
five armories for the reception of destitute and houseless people. And the general has 
notified police headquarters to instruct all the precinct commanders that the armories 
were open, so that in case there is not elsewhere accommodation for those without 
homes in this bitter M^eather they can find shelter there. (Response to the toast 'The 
State of New York," at the Lincoln Club dinner, in New York City, February 13, 1899. j 

FARMER AND WAGE EARNER. 

In speaking on Labor Day at the annual fair of the New York State Agricultural 
Association, it is natural to keep especially in mind the two bodies who compose the 
majority of our people and upon whose welfare depends the welfare of the entire 
State. If circumstances are such that thrift, energy, industry, and forethought enable 
the farmer, the tiller of the soil, on the one hand, and the wage-worker, on the other, 
to keep themselves, their wives, and their children in reasonable comfort, then the 
wState is well off, and we can be assured that the other classes in the community will 
likewise prosper. On the other hand, if there is in the long run a lack of prosperity 
among the two classes named, then all other prosperity is sure to be more seeming 
than real. (Address of President Roosevelt at the State fair, Syracuse, N. Y., Septem- 
ber 7, 1903, Labor Day.) 

INCREASE OF WEALTH AND COMFORT IN THE UNITED STATES. 

It has been our profound good fortune as a nation that hitherto, disregarding ex- 
ceptional periods of depression and the normal and inevitable fluctuations, there has 
been on the whole from the beginning of our Government to the present day a pro- 
gressive betterment, alike in the condition of the tiller of the soil and in the condition 
of the man who, by his manual skill and labor, supports himself and his family, and 
endeavors to bring up his children so that they may be at least as well off as, and if 
possible better off than, he himself has been. There are, of course, exceptions, hut 
as a whole the standard of living' among tne -farmers of our country has risen 
generation to generation, and the wealth represented on the farms has steadily in- 
creased, while the wages of labor have likewise risen, both as regards the actual money 
paid and as regards the purchasing power which that money represents. 

Side by side with this increase in the prosperity of the wage-worker and the tiller 
of the soil has gone on a great increase in the prosperity among the business men and 
among certain classes of professional men, and the prosperity of these men has been 
partly the cause and partly the consequence of the prosperity of farmer and i 
worker. It can not be too often repeated that in this country in the long run we 
all of us tend to go up or go down together. 

If the average of well-being is high, it means that the average wage-worker, the 
average farmer, and the average business man are all alike well off. If the average 
shrinks, there is not one of these classes which will not feel the shrinkage. Of course 
there are always some men who are not' affected by good times, just as there are 
men who are not affected by bad times. 

But speaking broadly, it is true that if prosperity comes all of us tend to share mope 
or less therein, and that if adversity comes, each of us, to a greater or less extent, 
feels the tension. Unfortunately, in 'this world the innocent frequently find themselves 
obliged to pay some of the penalty for the misdeeds of the guilty, and so if hard 
times come, whether they be due to our own fault or to our misfortune, whether they 
be due to some burst of speculative frenzy that has caused a portion of the bu 
world to lose its head — a loss which no legislation can possibly supply — or whether 
be due to any lack of wisdom in a portion of the world of labor, in each can- the, 
{rouble once started is felt more or less in every walk of life. 



67 

THE GOOD OF ONE IS THE GOOD OF ALL. 

It is all-essential to the continuance of our healthy national life that we should 
recognize this community of interest among our people. The welfare of each of us 
is dependent fundamentally upon the welfare of all of us, and therefore in public 
life that man is the best representative of each of us who seeks to do good to each by do- 
ing good to all; in other words, whose endeavor it is, not to represent any special class 
and promote merely that class's selfish interests, but to represent all true and honest 
men of all sections and all classes and to work for their interests by working for 
our common country. 

'We can keep our Government on a sane and healthy basis, we can make and keep 
our social system what it should be, only on condition of judging each man, not as 
a member of a class, but on his worth as a man. It is an infamous thing m our 
American life, and fundamentally treacherous to our institutions, to apply to any man 
any test save that of his personal worth, or to draw between two sets of men any 
distinction save the distinction of conduct, the distinction that marks off those who 
do well and wisely from those who do ill and foolishly. There are good citizens and 
bad citizens in every class as in every locality, and the attitude of decent people toward 
great public and social questions should be determined, not by the accidental questions 
of employment or locality, but by those deep-set principles which represent the inner- 
most souls. of men. 

The failure in public and in private life thus to treat each man on his own merits, 
the recognition of this Government as being either for the poor as such or for the 
rich as such, would prove fatal to our Republic, as such failure and such recognition 
have always proved fatal in the past to other republics. A healthy republican govern- 
ment must rest upon individuals, hot upon classes or sections. As soon as it be- 
comes government bj r a class or by a section it departs from the old American ideal. 

DANGER OF CLASS GOVERNMENT. 

It is, of course, the merest truism to say that free institutions are of avail only 
to people who possess the high and peculiar characteristics needed to take advantage 
of such institutions. The century that has just closed has witnessed many and lament- 
able instances in which people have seized a government free in form, or have had 
it bestowed upon them, and yet have permitted it under the forms of liherty to be- 
come some species of despotism or anarchy, because they did not have in them the 
power to make this seeming liberty one of deed instead of one merely of word. 

Under such circumstances the seeming liberty may be supplanted by a tyranny 
or despotism in the first place, or it may reach the road of despotism by the path of 
license and anarchy. It matters but little which road is taken. In either case the 
same goal is reached. People show themselves just as unfit for liberty whether they 
submit to anarchy or to tyranny and class government, whether it be the government 
of a plutocracy or the government of a mob, is equally incompatible with the principles 
established in the days of Washington and perpetuated in the days of Lincoln. 

Many qualities are needed by a people which would preserve the power of self- 
government in fact as well as in name. Among these qualities are forethought, shrewd- 
ness, self-restraint, - the courage which refuses to abandon one's own rights, and the 
disinterested and kindly good sense which enables one to do justice to the rights of 
others. Lack of- strength and lack of courage unfit men for self-government on the 
one hand, and on the other brutal arrogance, envy, in short, any manifestation of the 
spirit of selfish disregard, whether of one's own duties or of the rights of others, are 
equally fatal. 

In the history of mankind many republics have risen, have flourished for a less 
or greater time, and then have fallen because their citizens lost the power of govern- 
ing themselves and thereby of governing their state; and in no way has this loss of 
power been so often and so clearly shown as in the tendency to turn the government 
into a government primarily for the benefit of one class instead of a government for 
the benefit of the people as a whole. 

Again and again in the republics of ancient Greece, in those of mediaeval Italy and 
mediaeval Flanders, this tendency was shown, and wherever the tendency became a 
habit it invariably and inevitably proved fatal to the state. In the final result it 
mattered not one whit whether the movement was in favor of one class or of another. 
The outcome was equally fatal, whether the country fell into the hands of a wealthy 
oligarchy which exploited the poor or whether it fell under the domination of .a tur- 
bulent mob which plundered the rich. 



58 

In both cases there resulted violent alternations between tyranny and disorder, and 
a final complete loss of liberty to all citizens — destruction in the end overtaking the 
class which had for the moment been victorious, as well as that which had momentarily 
been defeated. The death knell of the Republic had rung as soon as the active power 
became lodged in the hands of those who sought, not to do justice to all citizens, 
rich and poor alike, but to stand for one special class and for its interests as opposed 
to the interests of others. 

AMERICAN IDEALS OF JUSTICE. 

The reason why our future is assured lies in the fact that our people are genuinely 
skilled in and fitted for self-government, and therefore will spurn the leadership of 
those who seek to excite this ferocious and foolish class antagonism. The average 
American knows not only that he himself intends to do about what is right, but that 
his average fellow-countryman has the same intention and the same power to make 
his intention effective. He knows, whether he be business man, professional man, 
farmer, mechanic, employer, or wage-worker, that the welfare of each of these men is 
bound up with the welfare of all the others; that each is neighbor to the other, is 
actuated by the same hopes and fears, has fundamentally the same ideals, and that all 
alike have much the same virtues and .the same faults. 

Our average fellow-citizen is a sane and healthy man, who believes in decency and 
has a wholesome mind. He therefore feels an equal scorn alike for the man of wealth 
guilty of the mean and base spirit of arrogance toward those who are less well off and 
for the man of small means who in his turn either feels or seeks to excite in others 
the feeling of mean and base envy for those who are better off. The two feelings — ■ 
envy and arrogance- — are but opposite sides of the* same shield, but different develop- 
ments of the same spirit. Fundamentally, the unscrupulous rich man who seeks to 
exploit and oppress those who are less well off is in spirit not opposed to but identical 
with the unscrupulous poor man who desires to plunder and oppress those who are 
better off. 

The courtier and the demagogue are but developments of the same type under 
different conditions, each manifesting the same servile spirit, the same desire to rise 
by pandering to base passions, though one panders to power in the shape of a single 
man and the other to power in the shape of a multitude. So likewise the man who 
wishes to rise by wronging others must by right be contrasted, not with the man who 
likewise wishes to do wrong, though to a different set of people, but with the man 
who wishes to do justice to all people and to wrong none. 

GOOD AND BAD CITIZENS. 

The line of cleavage between good and bad citizenship lies, not between the man of 
wealth who acts squarely by his fellows and the man who seeks each day's wage by 
that day's work, wronging no one and doing his duty by his neighbor; nor yet does 
this line of cleavage divide the unscrupulous wealthy man, who exploits others in his 
own interest, from the demagogue, or from the sullen and envious being who wishes 
to attack all men of property, whether they do well or ill. On the contrary, the line 
of cleavage between good citizenship and bad citizenship separates the rich man who 
does well from the rich man who does ill, the poor man of good conduct from the 
poor man of bad conduct. This line of cleavage lies at right angles to any such arbi- 
trary line of division as that separating one class from another, one locality from an- 
other, or men with a certain degree of property from those of a less degree of property. 

The good citizen is the man who, whatever his wealth or his poverty, strives man- 
fully to do his duty to himself, to his family, to his neighbor, to the State; who is 
incapable of the baseness which manifests itself either in arrogance or in envy, but 
who -while demanding justice for himself is no less scrupulous to do justice to others. 
It is because the average American citizen, rich or poor, is of just this type that 
we have cause for our profound faith in the future of the Republic. 

Ours is a government of liberty by, through, and under the law. Lawlessness and 
connivance at lawbreaking — whether the lawbreaking take the form of a crime of greed 
and cunning or of a crime of violence — are destructive not only of order, but of the 
true liberties which can only come through order. If alive to their true interests, rich and 
poor alike will set their faces like flint against the spirit which seeks personal advantage 
by overriding the laws, without regard to whether this spirit shows itself in the form 
of bodily violence by one set of men or in the form of vulpine cunning by another set 
of men. 



59 

Let the watchwords of all our people be the old familiar watchwords of honesty, 
decency, fair dealing, and common sense. The qualities denoted by these words are 
essential to all of us as we deal with the complex industrial problems of to-day, the 
problems affecting not merely the accumulation but even more the wise distribution 
of wealth. We ask no man's permission when we require him to obey the law, neither 
the permission of the poor man nor yet of the rich man. Least of all can the man 
of great wealth afford to break the law, even for his own financial advantage, for the 
law is his prop and support, and it is both foolish and profoundly unpatriotic for him 
to fail in giving hearty support to those who show that there is in very fact one law, 
and one law only alike for the rich and the poor, for the great and the small. 

MUTUAL INTERESTS OF CAPITAL AND LABOR. 

Men sincerely interested in the due protection of property, and men sincerely 
interested in seeing that the just rights of labor are guaranteed, should alike remem- 
ber not only that in the long run neither the capitalist nor the wage-worker can be 
helped in healthy fashion save by helping the other; but also that to require either side 
to obey the law and do its full duty toward the community is emphatically to that 
side's real interest. 

There is no worse enemy of the wage-worker than the man who condones mob vio- 
lence in any shape or who preaches class hatred; and surely the slightest acquaint- 
ance with our industrial history should teach even the most short-sighted that the times 
of most suffering for our people as a whole, the times when business is stagnant, and 
capital suffers from shrinkage and gets no return from its investments, are exactly 
the times of hardship, and want, and grim disaster among the poor. If all the existing 
instrumentalities of wealth could be abolished, the first and severest suffering would 
come among those of us who are least well off at present. The wage-worker is well off 
only when the rest of the country is well off and he can best contribute to this gen- 
eral well-being by showing sanity and a firm purpose to do justice to others. 

In his turn the capitalist who is really a conservative, the man who has forethought 
as well as patriotism, should heartily welcome every effort, legislative or otherwise, 
which has for its object to secure fair dealing by capital, corporate or individual, 
toward the public and toward the employee. Such laws as the franchise-tax law in this 
State, which the court of appeals recently unanimously decided constitutional — such a 
law as that passed in Congress last year for the purpose of establishing a Department 
of Commerce and Labor, under which there should be a bureau to oversee and secure 
publicity from the great corporations which do an interstate business — such a law as 
that passed at the same time for the regulation of the great highways of commerce 
so as to keep these roads clear on fair terms to all producers in getting their goods 
to market — these laws are in the interest not. merely of the people as a whole, but of 
the propertied classes. For in no way is the stability of property better assured than 
by making it patent to our people that property bears its proper share of the burdens 
of the state; that property is handled not only in the interest of the owner, but in 
the interest of the whole community. 

WELFARE OF ALL THE CRITERION OF CLASS LEGISLATION. 

In other words, legislation to be permanently good for any class must also be good 
for the nation as a whole, and legislation which does injustice to any class is certain 
to work harm to the nation. Take our currency system for example. This nation is 
on a gold basis. The Treasury of the public is' in excellent condition. Never before 
has the per capita of circulation been as large as it is this day; and this circulation, 
moreover, is of money every dollar of which is at par with gold. Now, our having 
this sound currency system is of benefit to banks, of course, but it is of infinitely more 
benefit to the people as a whole, because of the healthy effect on business conditions. 

In the same way, whatever is advisable in the way of remedial or corrective cur- 
rency legislation — and nothing revolutionary is advisable under present conditions — 
must be undertaken onlv from the standpoint of the business community as a whole; 
that is, of the American body politic as a whole. Whatever is done, we can not afford 
to 'take any step backward or to cast any doubt upon the certain redemption in 
standard coin of every circulating note. 

Among ourselves we differ in many qualities, of body, head, and heart; we are 
unequally developed, mentally as well a's physically. But each of us has the right to 
ask that he shall be protected from wrongdoing as he does his work and carries his 
burden through life. No man needs sympathy because he has to work, because he has 



60 

a burden to carry. Far and away the best prize that life offers is the chance to work 
hard at work worth doing, and this is a prize open to every man, for there can be 
no work better worth doing than that done to keep in health and comfort and with 
reasonable advantages those immediately dependent upon the husband, the father, or 
the son. 

NO ROOM FOR THE IDLER. 

There is no room in our healthy American life for the mere idler, for the man or 
the woman whose object it is throughout life to shirk the duties which life ought to bring. 
Life can mean nothing worth meaning unless its prime aim is the doing of duty, the 
achievement of results worth achieving. A recent writer has finely said: "After all, 
the saddest thing that can happen to a man is to carry no burdens. To be bent under 
too great a load is bad; to be crushed by it is lamentable; but even in that there are 
possibilities that are glorious. But to carry no load at all — there is nothing in that. 
No one seems to arrive at any goal really worth reaching in this world who does not 
come to it heavy laden."' 

Surely from our own experience each one of us knows that this is true. From 
the greatest to the smallest, happiness and usefulness are largely found in the same 
soul, and the joy of life is won in its deepest and truest sense only by those who have 
not shirked life's burdens. The men whom we most delight, to honor in all this land 
are those who, in the iron years from 1861 to 1865, bore on their shoulders the burden 
of saving the Union. They did not choose the easy task. They did not shirk the 
difficult duty. Deliberately and of their own free will they strove for an ideal, up- 
ward and onward across the stony slopes of greatness. They did the hardest work that 
was then to be done; they bore the heaviesh burden that any generation of Americans 
ever had to bear; and because they did this they have won such proud joy as it has 
fallen to the lot of no other men to win, and have written their names forever more 
on the golden honor roll of the nation. 

As it is with the soldier, so it is with the civilian. To win success in the business 
world,, to become a first-class mechanic, a successful farmer, an able lawyer or doctor 
means that the man has devoted his best energy and power through long years to the 
achievement of his ends. So it is in the life of the family, upon which in the last 
analysis the whole welfare of the nation rests. The man or woman who as bread 
winner and home maker, or as wife and mother, has done all that he or she can do, 
patiently and uncomplainingly, is to be honored and is to be envied by all those who 
have never had the good fortune to feel the need and duty of doing such work. 

The woman who has borne, and who has reared as they should be reared, a family 
of children has in the most emphatic manner deserved well of the Republic. Her 
burden has been heavy, and she has been able to bear it worthily only by the posse 
of resolution, of good sense, of conscience, and of usefulness. But if she has borne 
it well, then to her shall come the supreme blessing, for in the words of the oldest and 
greatest of books, "Her children shall rise up and call her blessed;" and among the 
benefactors of the land her place must be with those who have done the best and the 
hardest work, whether as lawgivers or as soldiers, whether in public or in private life. 

THE SECRET OE AMERICAN SUCCESS. 

This is not a soft and easy creed to preach. It is a creed willingly learned only 
by men and women who, together with the softer virtues, possess also the stronger; 
who can do, and dare, and die at need, but who, while life lasts, will never flinch from 
their allotted task. You farmers and wage-workers and business men of this great 
State, of this mighty and wonderful nation, are gathered together to-day, proud of 
your State and still prouder of your nation, because your forefathers and predecessors 
"have lived up to just this creed. 

You have received from their hands a great inheritance, and you will leave an even 
greater inheritance to yovir children and your children's children, provided only that 
you practice alike in your private and your public lives the strong virtues that have 
given us as a people greatness in the past. It is not enough to be well-meaning and 
kindly, but weak; neither is it enough to be strong, unless morality and decency , go 
hand in hand with strength. 

We must possess the qualities which make us do our duty in our homes and among 
our neighbors, and in addition we must possess the qualities which are indispensable 
to the make-up of every great and masterful nation — the qualities of courage and 
hardihood, of individual initiative and yet of power to combine for a common end, 



61 

;ind above all, the resolute determination to permit no man and no set of men to sunder 
us one from the other by lines of caste or creed or section. We must act upon the 
motto of all for each and each for all. There must be ever present in our minds the 
fundamental truth that in a republic such as ours the only safety is to stand neither 
for nor against any man because he is rich or because he is poor, because he is en- 
gaged in one occupation or another, because he works with Ms brains or because he 
works with his hands. 

We must treat each man on his worth and merits as a man. We must see that 
each is given a square deal, because he is entitled to no more and should receive no 
less. Finally we must keep ever in mind that a republic such as ours can exist only 
in virtue of the orderly liberty which comes through the equal domination of law over 
all men alike, and through its administration in such resolute and fearless fashion as 
shall teach all that no man is above it and no man below it. 

CANDIDATES. 

Mr. Chairman, the subject of the record of the forthcoming; candidates, whoever 
they may be, on the two great tickets of the country for President touching the labor 
question will be very important and will attract great attention during the campaign. 
I therefore have no hesitation in placing in the Record as a part of my speech and 
with my entire approval the record of our candidate for the Presidency upon this most 
important topic. There is no question in my mind but that above all others Theodore 
Roosevelt will loom up as the special friend of labor and the laboring man. He 
may not have fulminated from the bench the platitudes that have been placed in the 
Record coming from one of the candidates, but he has done things, and the man who 
does something these times is the most important of them all. I point with great 
pleasure to the record of Theodore Roosevelt in this behalf. I challenge criticism. I 
challenge disapproval. I call for approval by the American people. I also point to the 
record of the Republican party upon other questions. 

SLAVERY. 

The great revolution which exalted labor and freed the country from the curse 
of slavery was accomplished by the Republican party, against the fiercest opposition 
possible by the combined forces of the Democrats and their allies. Still true to its 
original ideals of freedom, the Republican party, after a lapse of forty years since 
the emancipation proclamation of Lincoln, abolished slavery in the Philippine Islands. 
(Act passed by a Republican Senate and Republican House and signed by President 
Roosevelt July 1, 1902.) 

INVOLUNTARY SERVITUDE OE FOREIGNERS. 

In -1874 the Forty-third Congress, which was Republican in both Houses, prohib- 
ited under heavy penalties the holding to involuntary services of any person forcibly 
kidnaped in any other country. 

PEONAGE. 

The act abolishing this kind of forced labor was passed by the Thirty-ninth Con- 
gress, when both Houses were Republican by a large majority, March 2, 1867. 

THE COOLIE TRADE. 

The legislation prohibiting the coolie trade is the work of the Republicans. The 
original law was passed by the Thirty-seventh Congress and approved February 19, 
1862, amende^ February 9, 1869, by the Fortieth Congress, and further amended March 
3, 1875, to provide for its enforcement, as recommended by President Grant in his 
message of December 7, 1874. When Hawaii became a Territory of the United States 
a Republican Congress abolished the existing system of cooly contract labor. (Act 
passed by the Fifty-sixth Congress and signed by President McKinley April 30, IBQO.) 



62 

IMMIGRATION. 

The Republican party has favored the American standard of living, not only by 
abolishing compulsory labor, but also by excluding the products of the cheapest foreign 
labor through protective tariffs and by restricting the immigration of unassailable 
elements from other races. The act of 1875 closed our doors to the paupers and crim- 
inals of Europe, and the exclusion act of 1882 stopped the immigration of the Chinese 
Upon the annexation of Hawaii in 1898 the immigration of Chinese thereto was pro- 
hibited by a Republican Congress, as was the migration of those already in Hawaii 
from the islands to continental United States. In President Roosevelt's Administration 
the Chinese-exclusion laws have been extended to the entire island territory of the 
United States. (Act passed by the Fifty-seventh Congress and approved April 29, 

The importation of foreign laborers under contract was first prohibited in 1885 
but, owing to defective provisions for enforcing the law, continued almost unchecked 
until the amendments made in President Harrison's Administration (Acts of the 
Fifty-first Congress, which was Republican in both branches, and of the Fifty-second 
Congress, signed March 3, 1891, and March 3, 1893, respectively.) 

The Republican party has increased the restrictions upon the immigration of cheap 
foreign labor in the new law of 1903. (Act passed by the Fifty-seventh Congress 
both Houses being controlled by the Republicans, and signed by President Roosevelt 
March 3, 1903.) 

CONVICT LABOR. 

The law abolishing the contract system of labor for United States convicts passed 
the House March 9, 1886, and the Senate February 28, 1887. All the votes against 
the bill were Democratic. 

The law providing for the construction of new United States prisons and the em- 
ployment of convicts therein exclusively in the manufacture of such supplies for the 
Government as can be made without the use of machinery was passed by the Fifty- 
first Congress, which was Republican in both branches, and signed by President Har- 
rison. (Chapter 529 of the acts of 1890-91.) 

The importation of goods made by convicts in foreign countries was prohibited in 
the Fifty-third Congress, but it remained for a Republican Congress to direct the 
Secretary of the Treasury to make regulations for the law's enforcement. (Act passed 
by the Fifty-fifth Congress and signed by President McKinley July 24, 1897.) 

SAFETY OF WORKMEN. 

PROTECTION OF SEAMEN. 
This was accomplished by the Forty-second Congress, when both Houses were Re- 
publican, and the Forty-third Congress, also Republican. 

INSPECTION OE STEAM VESSELS. 
Accomplished by the Fortieth Congress, which was controlled by the Republicans. 

INSPECTION OF COAL MINES IN THE TERRITORIES. 

Provided for by the Fifty : first Congress, both houses being under the control of 
the Republicans; approved by President Harrison. 

SAFETY APPLIANCES ON RAILWAYS. 

The original act providing for automatic couplers and power brakes on locomotives 
and cars used in interstate traffic was passed by the Fifty-second Congress, and signed 



63 

by President Harrison March 2, J 893. Owing to decisions of the courts, new legislation 
became necessary, and the Fifty-seventh Congress (Republican) passed a greatly im- 
proved law, which was signed by President Roosevelt March 2, 1903. 

ACCIDENTS TO BE REPORTED. 

The Fifty-sixth Congress (Republican) passed a law requiring common carriers 
to make monthly reports of accidents to the Interstate Commerce Commission. (Ap- 
proved by President McKinley March 3, 1901.) 

THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW. 

The first eight-hour law in this country was enacted by the Fortieth Congress and 
approved by President Grant in 1868. It applied to all artisans and laborers employed 
by the Government: 

In the Fiftieth Congress (1888) the eight-hour day was established for letter 
carriers. The bill passed the Senate, which was Republican, without division. 

In President Harrison's Administration the eight-hour law was extended to include 
persons employed by contractors on public works. (Chap. 352 of the acts of 1892.) 

DEPARTMENT OF LABOR. 

The act creating the United States Bureau of Labor was passed by the Forty- 
eighth Congress (1884) and signed by President Arthur. In the Fiftieth Congress 
(1888) the Bureau was removed from the Department of the Interior and made an 
independent Department of Labor, all the votes cast against the bill being Democratic. 
In 1903 a Republican Congress established the Department of Commerce and Labor 
and made its head a cabinet officer. 

. BOARDS OF ARBITRATION. 

Act passed at the Fifty-fifth Congress (Republican) and signed by President 
McKinley June 1, 1898. 

INCORPORATION OF NATIONAL TRADES UNIONS. 

Provided for by act of Congress in 1886, without division in either House. 

LABOR LEGISLATION IN REPUBLICAN AND DEMOCRATIC STATES. 

There is no better way of judging the merits of a political party than by the laws 
which are passed by the legislators who are elected to office from its ranks. With 
regard to legislation for the protection of the workers, much remains to be done before 
they receive their full measure of protection and justice; but, as can be shown by the 
statistics of the different States, nearly all protective labor legislation in the United 
States was first enacted by Republican States and then adopted by way of imitation 
by the Democratic States. At the present time the proportion of Republican States 
having protective labor legislation is much greater than that of Democratic States. This 
is plainly shown in the tables. 

LABOR BUREAUS. 

There are few agencies which have done more toward giving a clear insight into 
the problems of labor and capital, that have brought employer and employee nearer 
together, that have furnished the laboring people with facts for arguments in favor 
of protective legislation, than bureaus of labor and labor statistics. The table shows 
that at present there are 33 State labor bureaus in the United States. Of these, 23 
are in Republican States and 10 are in Democratic States. Reducing these figures to 
a proportionate basis, we find that 23 out of 28 Republican States, or 82 per cent., 
have labor bureaus; 10 out of 17 Democratic States, or 59 per cent., have labor bureaus. 



w 

FACTORY-INSPECTION SERVICE. 

It is well known to all working people that protective labor laws are practically 
a dead letter in any State unless there is a factory-inspection service organized for 
the purpose of searching out and bringing to justice persons who violate such laws. 
It is easy enough to enact protective legislation, but it is another thing to enforce it. 
If a State, therefore, enacts such laws and fails to organize a service for their en- 
forcement, it is betraying those whom it pretends to favor. Let us again observe the 
tables: We find that twenty-one out of twenty-eight Republican States, or 75 per 
cent., have established factory-inspection services. We also find that three out of 
seventeen Democratic States, or 18 per cent., have factory-inspection services. In 
examining the other subjects of labor legislation which follow we must not lose sight 
of the fact that only three of the Democratic States have factory-inspection services 
organized for the purpose of carrying out the provisions of the labor laws which will 
be under consideration. 

INSPECTION OF MINES. 

Public inspection of mines is required on the same grounds as inspection of fac- 
tories. The tables show that fifteen of the twenty-eight Republican States and nine 
of the seventeen Democratic States have established this service. 

CHILD LABOR IN FACTORIES. 

Ever since the introduction of the factory system, over a century ago, the greatest 
sufferers from the greed of inconsiderate and cruel employers have been the helpless 
children, who often at a tender age are placed in factories and are ruined physically, 
morally, and mentally by their work, their surroundings, and their loss of oppor- 
tunity for education. It is a principle recognized in all civilized countries that children 
under 12 years of age should not be employed in factories, and in nearly all 
European countries laws have been passed placing a limit of 12 or 14 years upon such 
child labor. In our country thirty-one out of the forty-five States prohibit the em- 
ployment of children under 12 years of age from working in factories. Of these 
thirty-one States twenty-one are Republican and ten are Democratic. In other words, 
GS per cent, of all the Republican States and only 32 per cent, of the Democratic States 
have laws prohibiting children under 12 years of age from working in factories. 

CHILD LABOR IN MINES. 
Twenty- four States prohibit the employment of children under 12 years of age 
in mines. Of these, sixteen are Republic • n and eight are Democratic States. 

WOMAN LABOR. 
Next to children, the greatest victims of abuse by greedy employers when un- 
restrained by law are women. Investigations have shown that their condition is some- 
times pitiful where employers are given free scope in their employment. Their pro- 
tection in the interest of humanity and morals has also been the subject of legislation 
in nearly all civilized countries. In the United States, twenty-seven States have legis- 
lated upon this subject. Of these twenty-seven States,, twenty-two are Republican and 
five are Democratic! Reducing these figures to a proportionate basis, we find that 82 
per cent, of the Republican States and only 19 per cent, of the Democratic States 
have laws regulating woman labor. 

SEATS FOR FEMALES IN SHOPS. 

Legislation on this subject needs no comment. Any man who has a daughter or 
sister employed in a shop or store, and every physician, knows what a hardship it is 
to a woman to be compelled to stand all day at a bench or behind a counter. For- 
tunately, in thirty-one States legislation has been enacted requiring employers to pro- 



65 

vide seats for females. Of these thirty-one States, twenty-three are Republican and 
eight are Democratic. 

SWEAT-SHOP LEGISLATION. 
There is no greater menace to the health of the working people, and nothing which 
tends more to lower and degrade human beings, than to crowd them together in small, 
filthy workshops, where tliey are often compelled to work, eat and sleep without regard 
to health or morals, and where the hours of labor are often so long that the victims, 
wiio are usually foreigners unacquainted with our language, are shut out from all 
opportunities for education or betterment of any kind. The scenes observed in these 
shops by official investigators have been revolting beyond description. Long ago efforts 
were made to regulate these so-called "sweat shops," and twelve States have enacted 
laws looking to this end. Of these twelve States, eleven are Republican and 'one is 
Democratic. Nothing more need be said on this point. 

TRUCK SYSTEM. 

This legislation prohibits employers from paying their employees in scrip or orders 
on their company stores and which are not redeemable in cash. At present twenty-three 
States have such laws in force, of which fourteen are Republican and nine are Dem- 
ocratic, or 6*1 per cent, of all the Republican and 39 per cent, of all the Democratic 
States. 

MEDIATION AND ARBITRATION. 

State boards of mediation and arbitration have been established in fifteen States 
to aid in the adjustment of industrial disputes. Of the fifteen boards eleven are in 
Republican States and only four in Democratic States. 

FREE EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS. 

One of the great needs of wage-workers who are engaged for only a week or a 
day at a time is some agency that will assist them in obtaining a situation when they 
are out of work. Private agencies have so frequently exploited their poverty by ex- 
torting registration fees for situations that are never procured, that churches and 
charitable societies now support free employment agencies in many leading cities. A 
few years ago State and municipal governments also entered the field and now there 
are public employment bureaus (free) in fourteen States, of which twelve are Repub- 
lican and only two Democratic. 

EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY LAWS. 

Since the introduction of steam and machinery workingmen are exposed to such 
great risks of death and injury that enlightened States have enacted legislation which 
requires employers to furnish safe work places and appliances, and makes them re- 
sponsible, in damages, for any injury that may befall an employee through their negli- 
gence. Twenty-seven States now have employers' liability laws, most of them relating 
to railways. Of the twenty-seven States fifteen were Republican and twelve Democratic 
in the last National election. 

EIGHT-HOUR LAW. 

For many years labor organizations have been endeavoring to secure legislation 
prohibiting labor on Government works or public contracts for over eight hours per 
day. They have succeeded thus far in securing such legislation in twenty-one of 
the forty-five States of the Union. Of these twenty-one States, sixteen are Re- 
publican and five are Democratic. In other words, of the twenty-eight Republican 
States, 60 per cent, have enacted the eight-hour law, and of the seventeen Democratic 
States only five, or 29 per cent., have yielded to the demands of the labor organizations 
in this regard. 

5 



66 



LABOR LEGISLATION IN REPUBLICAN AND DEMOCRATIC STATES 

COMPARED. 

In Republican States. 



States having 
laws in force 
January, 1904. 



California 


Yes. 


Connecticut ... 


Yes. 


Delaware 


No . 


Illinois 


Yes. 


Indiana 


Yes. 




Yes. 


Kansas 


Yes. 


Maine 


Yes. 


Maryland 


Yes. 


Massachusetts. 


Yes. 


Michigan 


Yes. 


Minnesota 


Yes. 


Nebraska 


Yes. 


N. Hampshire. 


Yes. 


New Jersey 


Yes. 


New York 


Yes. 


North Dakota. 


Yes. 


Ohio 


Yes. 




Yes. 


Pennsylvania . 


Yes. 


Rhode Island.. 


Yes. 


South Dakota. 


No . 


Utah 


Yes. 


Vermont 


No . 


Washington . . . 


Yes. 


West Virginia. 


Yes. 


Wisconsin 


Yes. 


Wyoming 


No . 



Total, 28States. 



23 



Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
Y r es. 
No . 
Y^es. 
Y r es. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 



21 









O . 

ai 


03 


<M 


rs O 


o 










J 3 


si 


o . 

&■§ 

a 


m 


!s< 


M 


Yes. 


No . 


No . 


Yes. 


Yes. 


No . 


No . 


No . 


No . 


Yes. 


Yes. 


Yes. 


Yes. 


No . 


Yes. 


No . 


No . 


Yes. 


No . 


Y^es. 


Yes. 


No . 


No . 


Y^es. 


Yes. 


Yes. 


Yes. 


Yes. 


No . 


No . 


Yes. 


No . 


Yes. 


Yes. 


Yes. 


No . 


No . 


Yes. 


No . 


No . 


No . 


No . 


Yes. 


No . 


Yes. 


Yes. 


Yes. 


Yes. 


No . 


No . 


No . 


Yes. 


Yes. 


Y'es. 


No . 


No . 


No . 


No . 


No . 


Yes. 


No . 


No . 


No . 


No . 


No . 


Yes. 


Yes. 


No . 


Yes. 


No . 


No . 


No . 


No . 


Yes. 


Y^es. 


No . 


Yes. 


Yes. 


Yes. 


Yes. 


No . 


No . 


No . 


Yes. 


11 


]2 


15 



s* 



Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
Y"es. 
No . 
Y r es. 
No . 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
No . 
Y'es. 
No . 



Yes. 
Yes- 
Yes. 

Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Y'es. 
Yes. 



15 



16 



Child-labor age 
limit in— 



12 years 
14 years 



14 years 
14 years 



12 years 
a 14y'rs. 
14 years 
14 years 
14 years 
10 years 
12 years 
14 years 
14 years 

12 years 
14 years 
14 years 

13 years 
12 years 



10 years 
14 years 
12 years 
14 years 



21 



14 years 
14 years 
12 years 
12 years 



o © 



12 years 



14 years 



14 years 



12 years 

15 years 
14 years 

16 years 

14 years 

14 years J 



14 years! 
12 years 
14 years, 
14 years; 



Yes' 
Yes. 
Yes 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
Yes, 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes, 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Y'es 
Yes. 
Y'es, 
Y'es. 
Yes. 
Yes, 
Y r es. 
Yes, 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes, 
Yes, 
Yes. 
Yes. 



16 



22 



Yes. 
Y'es. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Y'es 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
Y r es. 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Y x es. 
Yes. 









Yes. 
No . 
No . 
(a) 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Y'es. 
No . 

ii b) 

No . 

Yes. 
No . 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 

iV. 
«2. 

No . 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. No . 



a 

03 
00 



X 

No . 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
No . 

J»> 

^ es. 

Yes. 
No . 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
No . 
No . 



Y'es 
Yes 
Y'es 



28 



No 
Yes. 
No . 



a City of Baltimore. 



b Held to be unconstitutional. 
Democratic States. 





o 

O 



a 
<v 
u 

m 


6 

o 
d 
o 

ga 



do A 

O tf 

P rH 

m 


d 

03 

B 
?-> 
o 

03 ? 
03 rt 


o 

d 
o 

© 03 

03 a 

i— i 


05 

as 


02 

u 

o 
A 

A 

bo 


Child-labor age 
limit in— 


M 

o 

0Q ® 
O 03 


d 

a 

o 

a 

m 
el 

03 


o 
u 
ft 

a 

03 

OS . 
>& 
ce 03 

?3 


a 

03 

SCO 

ce Si 

Cv q) 

'J2 


States having 
laws in force 
January 1904. 


oa 

03 

3 
© 


xa 

03 

d 


Alabama 

Arkanas 

Colorado 


No . 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Y r es. 

No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 


No . 
No . 

No . 
No . 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 

No . 

Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 


No . 

No . 

Yes. 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 

No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
No . 
No . 
No . 
No . 


No . 
No . 
No . 
No . 
No . 
No . 
No . 
No . 

No . 
Y r es. 
Y r es. 
No . 
No . 
No. 
No . 
iNo . 
No . 


Yes. 
Yes. 
Y r es. 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 

No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 


Yes. 

Yes. 
Y'es.. 
Y'es. 
Y'es. 
No . 
No . 
No . 

Yes. 
Yes. 
Y r es. 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 


No . 

No . 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
[No . 
No . 

No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
No . 
No . 
No . 


12 years 
12 years 
14 years 


12 years 
14 years 
14 years 


No . 
No . 

Yes. 
No 


Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 

No. 
Yes. 
No . 
No . 
No . 
Yes. 
No. 
No . 
Yes. 


No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 

No 


No . 
No . 
No . 


Georgia 




:::::::::: 


No . 
No 






14 years 
14 years 


No 

Yes. 
Yes. 

No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
No . 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 
Yes. 


N'O 


Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Mississippi .... 

Missouri 

Montana 


14 years 

12 to 14 

years. 


No . 
Yes. 

No 


No . 

No . 

No 


14 years 


12 years 
14 years 


No . 
No . 

No . 
No . 
No . 
No . 

NTr» 


Yes. 
No . 
No 


North Carolina 
South Carolina 
Tennessee...... 


12 years 
ell years 
If years 


12 years 
11 years 
14 years 


No . 
No . 
No . 
No 


Virginia 


12 years 


12 years Yes. 


No . 


Total, 17 States. 


10 


3 


4 


2 


9 


12 


5 


10 


8 


5 


8 


9 


1 



c After May 1, 1904 ; 12 years, May 1 



190') 



67 



WAGES IN THE UNITED STATES AND EUROPE. 
Owing to the vastly superior resources of the United States and the wise legisla- 
tion which has protected American industries and thereby maintained the American 
standard of living, wages in the United States are, on the average, about twice as high 
as in Europe. The following table shows the average daily wage in certain cities of 
Europe and America, according to statistics gathered by the United States Bureau of 
Labor: 



Year. 


Great Brit- 
ain (27 quo- 
tations). 


Paris, 

France (21 

quotations). 


Year. 


Liege, Bel- 
gium (11 
quotations). 


United 

States (255 
quotations). 


1870 


$1.30 
1.40 
1.39 
1.49 
1.45 


$1.06 
1.12 

1.26 
1.33 
1.34 


1870 


$0,695 
.63 
.63 
.66 
.65 


$2.20 
2.18 


1S76 


1876 


1886 


1886 


2 47 


1896 


1896 


2 46 


lis 02 ^ 


1902 


2 50 


♦ 


1 





The latest comparative statistics of wages are contained in an official report made 
by the statistical office of the board of trade, and published by order of Parliament in 
August, 1903. The data relate to years between 1895 and 1902 (mainly to years between 
1898 and 1901) and pertain to fifteen skilled occupations in the chief city and other 
cities in the United States, Great Britain, France, and Germany, and the totals are as 
follows (corrected to a standard year) : 

The English report notes that a comparison of family earnings is less unfavorable 
to Europe owing to the fact that more women and children become wage-earners there 
than in America. On the basis of the investigation of the United States Department 
of Labor in 1891, covering the textile, iron and steel, coal, and glass industries, the 
Blue Book arrives at the following relative figures: 

COMPARISON OF FAMILY INCOMES. 





Ger- 
many. 


France. 


Great 
Britain. 


United 

States. 




69 
100 


83 
120 


100 
145 


123 




178 







AVERAGE WEEKLY RATES FOR FIFTEEN SKILLED 


TRADES. 


Country. 


Chief cities and 

towns. 


Other cities and 
towns. 




s. 

75=818.00 
42= 10.00 
36= 8.65 
24= 5.75 


s. d. 

69 4=^16.65 




36 0= 8.65 




22 10= 5.50 




22 6= 5.4D 







It therefore appears that the average wage for the fifteen trades is nearly twice 
as high in New York as in London and more than twice as high as in Paris and three 
times as high as in Berlin. In the smaller cities the superiority of the United States 
is equally marked, as may be seen in the following comparison : 





Ger- 
many. 


France. 


Great 
Britain. 


United 

States. 




lfO 
100 


151 
100 


175 
159 


315 




307 







68 



AVERAGE WEEKLY RATES OF WAGES CURRENT IN SOME RECENT 
YEARS, ADJUSTED, WHERE NECESSARY, TO MAKE FIGURES RE- 
LATE TO THE SAME STANDARD YEAR. 

The fact that wages in the United States range three times as high as in Ger- 
many in the skilled trades is accompanied by similar evidence for unskilled labor. 
Thus the German Government reports on workingmen's insurance against sickness and 
accident (a compulsory system conducted by the Government) showed that on January 
1, 190.2, the average daily wage of adult male laborers in the thirty-three large cities 
was only 67 cents, in fifty-eight small cities (places with a population of from 10,000 
to 20,000 each) 52 cents, while in the agricultural districts it was 49 cents in the west 
and 33 cents in the east. 

The figures for the fifteen skilled trades included in the official English report 
are given below with the American equivalents: 

[Reduced to United States currency.] 





In leading cities. 


In other cities. 


Occupation. 


New 
York. 


London. 


Paris. 


Berlin. 


United 
S ates. 


Great 
Britain. 


^ rance -j m G any. 


Building trades : 


119.82 
28.80 
20.94 
25.78 
22.38 

15.00 
18.00 
15.00 
16.94 
18.00 

16.80 
17 38 
18.00 

19.00 
25.00 


$10.50 

10.50 

8.75 

12.80 

10.34 

9.12 
8.64 
9.12 
9.12 
10.08 

10.25 
10.08 
10.76 

9.12 
9.60 


§9.80 
8.20 
8.30 


$6.00 


$17.60 
20.35 
17.58 
21.00 
23.70 

18.00 
15.90 
12.68 
12.68 
16.50 

13.96 
12.62 
13.26 

13.50 

20.46 


$9.15 
9.37 
8.39 
9.39 
9.15 

8.61 

8.61 
8 37 
8.87 
8.85 

8.49 
8.61 
8.61 

7.71 
8.13 


$5 65 85.20 




5.19 6-61 


Painters 




5.19 
5 23 
5.19 




Plasterers 




6.61 


Plumbers 


8.64 
9.50 




Metal trades: 
Blacksmiths 


5.02 
6.36 
5.38 
5.74 
5.02 

5.38 

5.54 
6.78 

6.36 
6.46 


5.78 


5.11 




4.79 


Machinists (fitters^. . 
Machinists (turners). 

Pattern makers 

Woodworking: 

Cabinetmakers 

Coopers 


8.64 
5.68 
10.52 

6.81 

7.60 
10.36 

8.06 
9.84 


5.19 
5.78 
5.43 

5.78 
4.71 
6.18 

5.78 

7.02 


4.81 
4.81 
5.05 

5.41 
5.44 


Upholsterers 


6.71 


Printing: 
Compositors 


5.51 


Lithographers 


5.67 



The average family income was 23 per cent, larger than that in Great Britain, 
48 per cent, larger than that in France, and 78 per cent, larger than that in Germany. 
But since 1891 wages have risen more rapidly than in France or England. 

In the following series of tables wages in Europe and the United States are com- 
pared for each of the great branches of industry — agriculture, manufacturing, and 
transportation. 

AGRICULTURE. 

The following table shows that the wages of farm laborers in the Northern States 
of this country are fully 50 per cent, higher than in England. The low rates in the 
South bring down the average for the entire country considerably, thus: 





England. 


United States. 




Averag 
wag 


e cash 
es. 


25.2 

v pa 
«^p£ 


Average monthly 


svages, without board, 


n— 


Year. 




S 


'P C« 

P +3 


g m 


CB<B 


P 

P+ 3 
O'Xl 


P . 

•- «2 

a) a> 


P 

** CD 

Is 


p 


1875 


s. d. 
IS 6% 

S 4 

13 V* 
13 2% 

13 %y 2 

13 11 


$14.08 
13.80 
13.52 
13.56 
13.76 
14.26 
14.47 


$17.33 
17.05 
16.77 
16.81 
17.01 
17.51 
17.72 


$19.87 
16.42 
17.97 
18.33 
17.69 
19.38 
20.23 


$29.00 
21.36 
25.30 
26.64 
29.00 
27.87 
28.76 


$27.00 
20.24 
28.19 
23.62 
23.80 
28.15 
28.91 


$15.28 
12.65 
14.27 
14.77 
12.71 
13.49 
13.80 


$28.34 
19.81 
22.27 
22.01 
21.82 
22.44 
23.75 


88024* 

81.94 
80.04 
83.95 
85.15 


$49.98 


1879 


40.11 


1885 


87.78 


1890. . . . 


84.87 


1895 


81.68 


1898 


88.64 


1899 


85.69 







69 

SOURCES. 

Sources. — The Ninth Annual Abstract of Labor Statistics (p. 66), published by 
the British labor department; Wages of Farm Labor in the United States, published 
by the United States Department of Agriculture. 

The monthly earnings of English agricultural laborers is stated only for the year 
1898; for the other years it has been computed by making the same allowance as in 
1898. Wages in the United States are in currency, which in 1875 was at a discount 
($114.90 in currency— $100 gold). 

BUILDING TRADES— UNITED STATES, ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 

WAGES AXD HOURS IK PRINCIPAL BUILDING TRADES OF NEW YORK (MANHATTAN BOROUGH ), 

LONDON. AND PARIS. 



Occupation. 



Bricklayers 

Carpenters 

Paintet s 

Plasterers 

Plumbers 

Stone masons 

Masons' and plasterers' laborers 



Rate of wages per 
hour in- 



New 
York, 
1903. 



Cents. 
65 

56^ 

50 

62^ 

53y 8 

50 

40% 



Lon- 
don, 
1903. 



Cents. 
21 
21 

18 

22 
22 
21 
14 



Paris, 
1900. 



Cents. 
19 
18 
16 
20 
15 
16 
10 



Weekly hours of 
labor in — 



New 
York, 
1903. 



Lon- 
don, 
1903. 



Paris, 

1901. 



London rates from the Ninth Annual Abstract of Labor Statistics, published by the 
British labor department; New York rates furnished by the New York State depart- 
ment of labor; Paris rates from Bordereaux de Salaires en 1900 et 1901, published by 
the French bureau of labor. 

In some of the trades the rate here given is a standard recognized by associations 
of employers and workmen; in others it is only the prevalent rate. 

MANUFACTURING. 

Owing to fluctuations in employment and the varying proportion of women and 
child workers, the calculation of the average annual earnings of factory employees 
is always difficult. The following figures are mere estimates, but are derived from the 
most trustworthy sources and may be accepted as a reasonably close approximation to 
the actual relative compensation of factory operatives in the leading manufacturing 
countries. 



AVERAGE YEARLY INCOME OF MEN, W03IEN, AND CHILDREN EMPLOYED IN MANUFACTURING 

INDUSTRIES. 



Country. 


Inquiry. 


Date. 


Amount of em- 
ployment in 
year. 


Average 
annual 

earnings. 


United States 




1900 

1885-86 
1893 
1901 

1896 


Fulltime 

do 


5438 




Wage census — 
do 


230 




290 days 


210 




Insura ce statis- 
tics. 
do 




201 




300 days 


150 











The method by which the American average wage is computed assumes that every 
employee worked steadily throughout the year, and is therefore slightly higher than it 
should be for comparative purposes, but in any event the average would remain near 
$400, which is notably higher than that in any European country. The fact that the 
proportion of women and children employed in American factories (about 23 per cent.) 
is smaller than the proportion abroad also tends to exalt the American average, as it 
properly should. In the English wage statistics about 40 per cent, of the employees 
were women and children and in the French about 26 per cent. 



TO 



The relative earnings of men, women, and children in American and British fac- 
tories are shown separately below: 



Country. 


Men. 


Women. 


Lads and 
boys. 


Girls. 


Great Britain and Ireland { S^e^k 


$5.95 

309.40 
490.90 


$3.10 
161.20 
273.03 


$2.20 
114.40 
152.22 


$1.54 




80.00 







RATES OF WAGES IN NEW YORK AND LONDON IN CERTAIN TRADES 

AT END OF 1902 



[Sources: London 


, Ninth Annual Abstract of Labor Statistics; New York, Twentieth Annual 
Report of New York Bureau of Labor Statistics.] 




New York. 


London. 




New York. 


London. 


Iron and steel 
trades : 

Boiler makers . . 

Blacksmiths 

Iron molders 


J a$2.80 

1 683.00 to 4.00 

3.50 to 4.50 

2.75 to 4.00 

2.75 to 4.00 

3.50 

3.50 

2.75 to 3 00 
2.50 to 2.75 


} 6$1.12 to $1.92 

1.56 
1.60 
1.56 
1.72 
1.68 

1.44 

1.44 


Printing: 
Compositors- 
Book and job. . 
Weekly papers 
Daily Papers— 
Dav 


3.16% 
3.16% 

4.00 
4.50 

3.78 
2.50 to 3.50 


1.56 
1.56 




Night 

Furniture : 

Cabinetmakers.. 
Upholsterers 




Shipwrights 

Metals : 
Brass molders... 
Brass finishers.. 


1.68 
1.62 to 2.16 



a Inside. 



b Outside. 



GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND— WEEKLY RATES OF WAGES, OCTO- 
BER, 1886. 



[From general report on the wages of manual labor classes in the United King 
• mentary Blue Book C— 6, 889, 1893, p. 476.] 


dom, Parlia- 




Numbers. 


Percentages. 


Weekly rates. 


Men. 


Wo- 
men. 


Lads 
and 
boys. 


Girls. 


Men. 


Wo- 
men. 


Lads 
and 
boys. 


Girls. 








9,581 
39,861 
26,059 

4,155 
97 


13,238 

30,500 

4,321 

15 






11.9 

49.7 

82.5 

5.8 

.1 


27.2 


Under 10s. ($2.43) 

10s. to 15s. ($2.43 to $3.65) 

15s. to 20s ($3.65 to S4.b7) 

20s. to 25s. ($4.87 to $6.08) 

25s. to 30s. ($6.08 to $7.30) 

30s. to 35s. ($7.30 to $8.52) 


498 
8,456 
76,392 
119,402 
86,137 
41,121 
15,120 
8,712 


39,235 

75,646 

27,969 

8,215 

198 


0.1 
2.4 

21.5 
33.6 
24.2 
11.6 
4.2 
2.4 


. 26 
50 
18.5 
5.4' 
.1 


62.5 
8.9 

1.4 










35s. to 40s. (SS.52 to $9.73) 

Above 40s. ($9.73) 






































Total 


355,838 
24s. 9d. 

$5.95 


151,263 

12s. lid. 

$3.10 


80,253 
9s. 2d. 

$2.20 


48,772 

6s. 5d. 

$1.54 


100 


100 


100 


100 


Average j 













AVERAGE ANNUAL EARNINGS OF MEN, WOMEN AND CHILDREN EM- 
EMPLOYED IN FACTORIES IN 1885. 



Yearly earnings. 



Of and above— 

£70 ($840.66) 

£60 to £70 ($292 to $840 66) .. . 
£50 to £60 ($243.33 to $292) 
£40 to £50 ($194.06 to $248.33) 
Under £40 ($194.66) 

Total 



p s or - 




816,106 



Per cent 
7.2 



32.8 
8.2 



100 



Average, £17 equals $228.73. 



71 



FRANCE. 

Wages, hours, etc., in Paris and suburbs in 1893. 
[From Salairea et Duree du Travail dans l'lndustrie Frangaise, Vol. IV.] 





Averag 


? daily- 


Average 
number of 

working 

daysinthe 

year. 


Percent- 
age of 
women 
and chil- 
dren in 

total 

working 

force. 


Industry. 


Hours of 
labor. 


Wages. 


Food products 


11 

10% 

ioy 2 

10 

UP 

10 

•$* 

10 

m 
ioj| 


80.96 
.91 

.86 

.98 

.92 

.78 

.83 

1.24 

1.20 

1.16 

1.23 

1.07 

1.05 

1.66 

1.22 

.82 

1.03 


300 

321 
295 
298 
292 
292 
280 
298 
295 
290 
277 
286 
289 
293 
253 
297 


28 


Chemical products 


20 


Paper and rubber products 


33 


Printing and publishing 


88 


Hides and leather 


40 


Textiles 


54 


Clothing, millinery, etc 


56 


Wood manufactures 


4 


Furniture 


15 


Iron and steel 


5 
5 


Foundry and machine-shop products 


Metal products, copper, etc 


24 


Gold, silver, etc 


38 


Stone working 


15 


Excavation and construction 


1 


Glass, brick, pottery 


31 


Transport a tion, etc 


22 








All industries 


$1.02 
.68 


290 
290 


26 

26 


Outside of Paris 







BELGIUM. 

Daily wage rates of adult workers employed in manufacturing and mechanical 
industries (including transportation) according to the industrial census 
of 1896. 



Daily rates. 



Less than 20 
20 cents, but 
30 cents, but 
40 cents, but 
50 cents, but 
6J cents, but 
70 cents, but 
80 cents, but 



cents.. . 
under 30 
under 40 
under 50 
under 60 
under 70 
under 80 
under 90 



cents, 
cents, 
cents, 
cents, 
cents, 
cents. 
centS. 



UJCO 



20,883 
28,638 
62,195 
87,011 
100,367 
65,781 
50,874 






6,609 

22,420 

21,349 

13,429 

5,862 

2,233 

652 

241 



Laily rates. 









90 cents, but under $1.00 j 21,134 



$1.00, but under $1.10. 
$1.10, but under 11.20. 
S1.20,but under $1.80. 
$1.30, but under $1.40. 
$1.40 or more 



13,832 
5,776 
8,668 
1,653 
4,357 



Total. 



467,511 



74,661 



GERMANY. 

Average yearly earnings of workers employed in industrial establishments, 
according to the returns of employers to the government bureau for the 
insurance of workingmen. 



( Year. 


Marks. 


Hollars. 


Year. 

• 


1886 


642 
651 
686 
706 


153 
155 
163 

168 


1898 


1891 


1899 


1896 


1900 


1897 


1901 







Marks. 


Dollars. 


733 


174 


751 


179 


778 


185 


804 


191 



RAILWAY LABOR. 

The average yearly earnings of all railway employees in the United States, accord- 
ing to the Interstate Commerce Commission, have ranged between $56.5 and $570 in the 
last six or eight years. Reports *f rom twenty-seven companies, employing more than 
90 per cent, of all the railway men in Great Britain and Ireland, showed that in the 
first week of December, 1902, the average* earnings were $6, which would make the 
average yearly income not more than $31 2. On the state railways of Prussia the 
average annual wages of the employees in the budget of 1898-99 were $335, exclusive 
of shopmen and trackmen, whose earnings, being considerably smaller, would, if in- 
cluded, bring down this average. In France more than 80 per cent, of the railway 
employees receive less than $1 per day, the average in fact being about 75 cents, which 
would make the annual earnings lie between $230 and $270, according to the number 
of working days. 

In Prussia the locomotive engineers begin at $286 a year and may attain $523. In 
the United States engineers average $3.78 a day and $1,200 a year. Firemen — Prussia, 
from $238 to $357 a year; United States, $2.16 a day and $667 a year. Conductors- 
Prussia, from $190 to $286 a year; United States, $3.17 a day and .$1,004 a year. In 
Prussia the railway employees are entitled to pensions and other Government privileges, 
but of course allowances therefor would not add more than 5 or 10 per cent, to their 
earnings. 

UNITED STATES. 

Railway Labor. 



[From 


Statistics of Railways of the United States, published by the Inter-state Commerce 

Commission.] 


Year ended June 30— 


Number of 
employees 
on June 30. 


Amount of sal- 
ries and wages 
(to 99 per cent of 
all employees.) 


Average 

yearly 

earnings-o 


1895 


78-5,034 

826,620 

823,476 

874,558 

928.924 

1,017,653 

1,071,169 

1,189,315 


$445,508,261 
468,824,531 
465,601,581 
495,055,-, 18 
522,967,896 
577,264,841 
610,713,701 
676,028,592 




1896 . 


§531.80 
564.33 


1897 


1898 


583.10 


1899 . 


579.95 


1900 


593.16 


1901 


584.75 


1902 


598.25 







aThe Interstate Commerce Commission does not publish average yearly earnings, and these 
figures have been ca'culated by dividing total wages and salaries by the mean number of em- 
ployees at the beginning and at the end of each year. 

RAILROAD TRANSPORTATION. 

[From the bulletin of the New York department of labor for December, 1903.] 
Average daily compensation of specified classes of employees, 1892 to 1902. 



Classes of employees. 



General officers 

Other officers 

General office clerks 

Station agents 

Other station men 

Enginemen 

Firemen. 

Conductors " 

Other trainmen 

Machin sts 

Carpenters 

Other shopmen ' 

Section foremen 

Other trackmen 

Switchmen, flagmen, watr-hmen 

Telegraph operators and dispatchers — 
Employees— account floating equi[ rnent 
All other employees and laborers 



1892. 


1893. 


18,94. 


1895. 


1896. 


§7.83 


$8.10 


f $9.71 
1 5.75 


89.01 

5.85 


59.19 
5.96 


2.23 


2.2-5 


2.34 


2.19 


2.21 


1.82 


1.83 


1.75 


1.74 


1.78 


168 


1.65 


1.68 


1.62 


1.62 


3.68 


8.68 


3.61 


8.65 


£65 


2.08 


2.06 


2.03 


2.05 


2.06 


3.08 


3.10 


3.04 


8.04 


3.05 


1.90 


1.92 


1.89 


1.90 


1.90 


2 29 


2.31 


2.21 


2,22 


2.26 


2.08 


2.10 


2.02 


2.08 


2.03 


1.72 


1.78 


169 


1.70 


1.69 


1.76 


1.75 


1.71 


1.70 


1.70 


1.22 


1.22 


1.18 


1.17 


1.17 


1.80 


1.82 


L16 


1.76 


1.74 


1.92 


1.96 


1.1)8 


1.9S 


1.93 


2.03 


1.96 


1.97 


1.91 


1.94 


1.6*3 


1.70 


1.65 


1.65* 


1.1,5 



1S97. 



$9.54 

5.12 
2.18 

1.78 
1.62 
3.65 
2.05 
8.07 
1.90 
2.23 
2.01 
1.71 
1.70 
1.16 
1.72 
1.90 
J. 86 
1.04 



73 



Classes of employees. 


i89a 


1899. 


1900. 


1901. 


1902. 


Number 
oi employ- 
ees, 1902. 


General officers 


59.73 
5.21 
2.25 
1.73 
1.61 
3.72 
2.09 
3.13 
1.95 
2.23 
2.02 
1.70 
1.69 
1.16 
1.74 
1.92 
1.89 
1.67 


$10.03 
5.18 
2.20 
1.74 
1.6 
3.72 
2.10 
3.13 
1.94 
2.29 
2.03 
1.72 
1.68 
1.15 
1.77 
1.93 
1.89 
1.68 


§10.45 
5.22 
2.19 
1.75 
1.60 
" 3.75 
2.14 
3.17 
1.96 
2.30 
2.04 
1.73 
1.68 
1.22 
1.80 
1.96 
1.92 
1.71 


§10.97 
5.56 
4.19 
1.77 
1.59 
3.78 
2.16 
8.17 
62,00 
2.32 
2.06 
1.75 
1.71 
1.23 
61.74 
1.98 
1.97 
1.69 


$11.17 

5.60 
2.18 
1.80 
1.61 
3.84 
2.20 
3.21 
2.04 
2.86 
2.08 
1.78 
1.72 
1.25 
1.77 
2.01 
2.00 
1.71 


4,816- 


Other officers 


5,039- 


General office clerks 


37,570- 


Station agents. 


38,478 


Other station men 

Enginemen 


105,433 
48,318 


Firemen 


50,651 


Conductors 


35.070 


Other trainmen 


91,383 


Machinists 


39.145 


Carpenters 


51,698 




136,579 


Section foremen 


35,700 




281,075 


Switchmen, flagmen, watchmen 


50.489 




28,244- 


Employees — account floating equipment 


7,426 




147,2Ul 






Total 












. 1.189.315- 

















a Based on the reports of the statistician of the Interstate Commerce Commission. 
6 Switching train crews transferred from "Switching," etc., to "Other trainmen." 
slightly affects enginemen, etc. 



Change 



GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 

Number and per cent, of men (adults) employed by principal railway com- 
panies, at specified weekly rates of wages, 1891. 

[From Bulletin of United States Department of Labor, January, 1899.] 



Weekly rate of Wages. Number. 


Per cent. 

: 


"Weekly rate of wages. 


Number. 


Per cent. 


TnderlOs. (32.43) 

10s. to 15s. ($2.48 to $3.65) 

15s. to 20s. (38.65 to -$4.87 ) 

20s. to 25s. (§4.87 to sc.08 ) 


210 
8,186 
123,962 
90,-J72 
49,807 
: 0,782 
8,953 


0.X 

2.6 
89.4 ! 
28.8 
15.7 

6.6 ! 

2.8 i 


40s. to 45s. (S9.73 to 810.95' 

45s. to 50s. (§10.95 to $12.17).. . 
50s. to 6 ; S. (§12.17 to 814.50).. . 
60s. (,$14.50) or over 


9,974 

1,897 

891 

486 


3.2 
0.4 
0.3 
0.1 


25s. to 80s. (:6.08 to .$7.30) 

80s. to 35s. (§7.30 to $-v52) 

85s. to 40s. (28.52 to $9.78) 


Total. 




814,520 


100.0 







More than one-half of the employees receive under $6.0S a week, and the most 
numerous class are those who earn from $3.65 to $4.87 weekly. The British board of 
trade, on the basis of these reports, estimated the average annual earnings of adult 
males to be $296.37 in England and Wales and $291.50 in Great Britain and Ireland. 



Average weekly earnings of British railway employees in tbe first week of 

December. 

[From Ninth Annual Abstract of Labor Statistics, by the British labor department] 



England and Wales. . 

Scotland 

Ireland 

1902, United Kingdom 
1901, United Kingdom 
1900, United Kingdom 
1899, United Kingdom 
1898, United Kingdom 
1897, United Kingdom 



Number 
of com- 


Number 
of em- 


Average 


panies. 


ployees. 


■ft ages, 






s. d. 


15 


383,883 


25 5i4=S6.10 


5 


45,240 


23 1%= 5.55 


7 


19,306 


19 3V 4 = 4.65 


27 


448,429 


24 11'4= 6.00 


27 


440,557 


25 0%= 6.01 


27 


440,347 


25 0%= 6.02 


27 


481,858 


25 3 = 6.06. 


27 


412,304 


24 7%= 5.92 
24 4%= 5.86 


27 


398,108 



74 



FRANCE. 

Daily Wages Compared. 

[From Bulletin of the United States Department of Labor, January, 1899.] 



Railway employees in France, 1898. 


Railway employees in the United 
States, 1890. 


Daily wages. 


Per cent, 
of total. 


Daily wages | rttSSt 




0.31 

1.33 

28.44 

32.40 

18.06 

10.04 

4.02 

1.96 

1.16 

.66 

1.47 

.15 


Under $0.21 


0.29 
.36 
.88 

1.49 

4.25 
21.69 
21.59 
15.08 
11.40 

9.22 
11.54 

2.26 


L26 to 2.25 francs ($0,243 to S0.434) 

2 26 to 3 9 5 francs ($0,436 to $0 627) 


$0.21 to .40 


.41 to .60 


8 26 to 4 25 francs ( §0.629 to §0.820) 


.61 to .80 


4.26 to 5.25 francs (§0.822 to §1.013) 

5 26 to 6 25 francs (§1.015 to §1.206) 


.81 to 1.00 


1.01 to 1 20 


6 2d to 7 25 francs (§1.208 to §1.399) 


1.21 to 1 40. 


7/26 to 8.25 francs (§1.401 to §1.592) 

8 26 to 9 25 francs ($1,594 to $1.785) 


1.41 to 1.60 


1.61 to 1.80 


9 i;, 6 to 10 25 francs (§1.787 to §1.978) 


1.81 to 2.00 


10.26 to 15.25 francs ($1.98 to $2.943) . .' 

15 >;> 6 francs (§2.945) or over 


2.01 to 3.00 










100.00 
80.54 

17.84 








5*26 to 10 25 francs (§1.015 to §1 978) 


1.01 to 2.00 . . 


78.98 







GERMANY. 
Annual wages of employees of Prussian *State Railways, 1896-97. 
[From Bulletin of United States Department of Labor, January, 1899.] 
Shopman, average $256.42. 
Trackmen, average $182.31. 
All other employees (1898-99 $335.10), $318.68. 
Locomotive engineers begin at $285.60; maximum, $523. 
Locomotive firemen begin at $238; maximum, $357. 
Conductors begin at $190.40; maximum, $285.60. 
Night watchmen begin at $166.60; maximum, $214.20. 



THE TREND OF WAGES IN RECENT YEARS. 

The Bulletin of the New York State Department of Labor for December, 1903, has 
the following editorial comment on the trend of wages in recent years: 

The Bulletin contains a compilation of statistics published by the Federal and other 
State bureaus of labor to show the tendency of wages in recent years. All the statis- 
tics reveal a decline in wages after 1892, but the decline continued for a longer period 
in some States than in others, depending on the predominating industries of each and 
also in part upon the month of the year to which the statistics relate. As a general 
rule the lowest point in the decline was reached in 1895 or 1896, but whatever improve- 
ment began then remained unimportant until 1898. Since 1898 the rise in wages has 
been both important and widespread, so that by 1902 wages had generally reached a 
higher level than in 1892, the best year of the preceding decade. 

In Massachusetts factories, for example, average yearly earnings rose from $396 
in 1886 to $452 in 1892, declined to $413 in 1894 and $420 in 1898, and rose to $460 in 
1902. In Wisconsin, average annual earnings of factory employees rose from $363 
in 1883 to $426 in 1892, declined to $376 in 1894, and rose again to $422 in 1901. In 
Pennsylvania the 1892 average was surpassed as early as 1899. In striking agreement 
with tne wage statistics of State bureaus are the statistics of unemployment furnished 
by the Cigar Makers' International Union of America. In 1890 this organization paid 
to its members out of work (but not on strike) the sum of $22,760.50 in benefits. In 
1892 the amount declined to $17,461, but in 1893 it increased 400 per cent., and for 
three years, 1894-1896, it stood at about $175,000 annually. In 1897 it fell to $117,171, 
and thereafter steadily declined to only $21,071 in 1902, which, considering the increase 
in membership (more than 33 per cent), compares favorably with 1892. 

The statistical compilation considered in the foregoing analysis appears at pages 
445-154 of the New York department of labor's December bulletin and is subjoined: 



75 

The recent report of the United States Census Office on wages of factory opera- 
tives in 1890 and 1900 alludes to the inevitable incompleteness of statistics for such 
widely separated periods, in view of which the following statistics of wages in the last 
decade have been collated from the reports of State bureaus of labor statistics. To 
supplement these figures two tables are also given containing statistics published by 
Federal bureaus and covering agriculture, manufacturing, and transportation, a 

aln close agreement with these official statistics are the figures published by the Cigar 
Makers' International Union of America on the amount annually expended for out-of-work 
benefits to its members. This fund is distinct from the strike aud sick benefits and therefore 
registers the conditions of employment accurately. 

WAGES IN THE UNITED STATES. 



Year. 


Manufac- 
turing and 
iiiining.a 


Agricul- 
tural.b 


Year. 


Manufac-I A Pricul- 
turingand ^rioul 
minmg.a 


1890 




98.6 
100.0 

102.6 


1896 . 


97.93 




1891 


100.6 
100.3 
99.32 
98.06 


1897 : 


98.96 
98.79 
101.54 
103.43 




1892 


1898 


104.2 


1893 


1H9J 


108.7 


1894 


1900 




1895 


97.88 : BS-1 

















a Based on reports from 148 establishments in 26 industries, representing 192 occupations. 1891 
taken as 100. U. S. Dept. of Labor Bulletin No. 80, September, 1900. 

b Relative wages of farm labor per month without board. 1891 taken as 100. Based on statistic 
in U. S. Dept. of Agriculture Bulletin No. 22, 1901. 



CIGAR MAKERS' 



INTERNATIONAL UNION EXPENDITURE FOR OUT- 
OF-WORK BENEFITS. 



1890 $22,760.50 

1891 21,223.50 

1892 17,460.75 

1WST-. 89,402.75 

1894 17i.517.25 



1895 166,377.25 

1896 175,767.25 

1897 , 117,471.40 

1898 70,197.70 

ILLINOIS. 



1899 38,037.00 

1900 23,897.00 

1901 27,083.70 

1902 21,071.00 



[From the Eleventh Biennial Report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics (1900) ] 
Statistics compiled from reports of 627 identical manufacturing establishments. 



Year. 


Average number of- 
wageworkers em- 
ployed. 


Aggregate 
wages. 


Average 

annual 

earnings. 


Increase 

(per 

cent.) 




Male. 


Female. 


Total. 


1895 


20,056 
21,059 
25,804 


2,410 

2,508 
3,362 


22,466 
28,567 
29,166 


$9,800,033 
10,335,919 
13,876,259 


1436 22 
438.58 
475.77 




1897 


5 


1899 


8.5 







IOWA. 

[From Tenth Biennial Report of Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1901-2, p. 449.] 





Estab- 
lish- 
ments. 


Average number of employees. 


Aggregate 
wages. 


Nominal 


Year. 


Men. 


Women. 


Chil- 
dren. 


Total. 


annual 
average. 


1896 


1,752 
1,625 
1,285 
1,627 


40,854 
45,006 
41,893 
47,857 


7,732 
9,800 
9,281 
11,812 


687 
623 
(a) 
2,630 


49,273 

55,429 

51,175 

662,299 


$17,369,662 
19,623,892 
21,145,961 
26,654,504 


S352.71 
354.03 
413 20 


1898 


1900 


1902 


c434 80 







of this number, hence 996 is to be deducted in calculating 



a Not separately reported 

b No wage account reported for 
average income. 

cThe nominal annual average earnings of adult males in 1901 were $501.91; of adult females, 
$241.40 ; of children under 16 years, $122 85. 



76 



MASSACHUSETTS. 

[From reports of Bureau of Statistics of Labor on Statistics of Manufacturers.] 
Note. — In order to preserve an accurate basis for comparisons the Bureau eacb 
year omits establishments that did not report in the preceding year. To illustrate: 
In 1901 the Bureau reported the average earnings of all employees in factories that 
made comparative returns in 1900 and 1901 to be $449.63, as stated in the first column. 
But in the 1902 report the factories reporting were not precisely the same as those 
included in the preceding year, and a new average income was computed for 1901 — 
namely $449.69, as stated in the second column — which, compared with 1902 average;, 
revealed a gain of $10.29 in the last-mentioned year. As a general rule, little variation 
is to be noticed in the two averages for any one year. 





A verage annual earn- 
ings as stated in 
the report-of the— 


Increase or decrease in average 
yearly earnings. 


Average 


Year. 


Current 
year. 


Next suc- 
ceeding 
year. 


Amount. 


Percentage. 


number 
of days 
worked. 




Gain. 


Loss. 


Gain. 


Loss. 


1886 




$395.89 
394.79 
413.19 
426.82 
437.93 
445.49 
450.59 
436.13 
412.56 
425.39 
426.66 
422.26 
419.91 
427.60 
441.61 
449.69 











1887 


$396.14 
402.45 
419.17 
483.56 
441.90 
452.21 
434.17 
421.81 
421.59 
425.16 
421.69 
421.48 
427.71 
439 57 
449.63 
459.98 


$0.2-5 
7.66 
5.98 
6.74 
3.97 
6.72 




0.06 

1.94 






1888 






1889 




1.45 
1.58 
.91 
1.51 






1890 :.;,'. 








1891 






296.78 


1892 






297.14 


1893 


$16.42 
14.32 


$3.04 
3.28 

'*'*.6.5' 
1.16 
.18 


277.36 


1891 






275.63 


1895 


9.03 


2.19 


291.42 


1896 


.23 

4.97 
.78 


279.43 


1897 




283.33 


1898 






286.28 


1899 


7.80 
11.97 

8.02 
10.29 


1.86 

2.80 
1.82 
2.29 


294.14 


J9Ji) , 






290.43 


1901 






292.78 


] 902 






2110.01) 













Estimated average yearly earning-s of 



Year. 


Adult 
males. 


Adult 
females. 


Mino v s 

(under 21 

years 

of age). 


1899 


$528.34 
530.82 
542.23 
552.66 


$824.72 
834.70 
342.68 
353.36 


$219.34 
228.33 


1900 t 


1931 


231.85 


1902 


244.24 







NEW YORK. 

Explanatory Note. — The following table gives the results of two separate investi- 
gations which are not strictly comparable. The first investigation, made in 1896, shows 
that after the middle of 1892 wages declined. The second investigation, covering 3,553 
identical establishments, reveals a slight fall in wages between 1895-95 and 1896-97. 
After the middle of 1897 employment and wages increased in a striking manner, and 
this very increase renders it difficult to calculate an # average annual wage. The statis- 
tics indicate that the total amount paid out in wages by the 3,553 manufacturers 
between July 1, 1897, and July 1, 1898, was $151,279,010; but at the beginning of the 
period they were paying wages to 304,376 workers and at the end to 326,090. It is 
therefore obviously incorrect to call either $464 ($151,279,010 divided by 326,090) or 
$497 (the same amount divided by 304,376) the average yearly earnings. The fact is 
no satisfactory method has yet been discovered of computing the average income when 
the number of employees fluctuate in this way. The least objectionable method of 
calculation on the basis of these figures is to divide the total wages by the mean number 
of employees, 315,233 (one-half the sum of 304,376 and 326,090), which yields an aver- 
age wage of $480. Similar calculations for 1897 and 1899 yield the averages $4.59, and 
$477, as expressed in brackets. 



77 



Annmal wages of persons employed in manufacturing industries. 

■[From -Fourteenth and Seventeenth Annual Reports of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, 

1896 and 1899.] 



Date 



May 31, 1891.. 
May 3 1,1892.. 
May 31, 1893.. 
May 31, 1894.. 
May 31,1893.. 
June 30, 1896. 
June 30, 1897. 
June 30, 1868. 
June 30, 1899. 



Total 


Firms 


amount paid 


con- 


m wages. 


cerned. 


593,257,541 


1,7/1 


100,616,011 


1,824 


109,073,849 


1,986 


99.052.129 


2,154 


110,427,159 


2,290 


141,184,845 


3,553 


138,577,878 


3,553 


151.279,010 


3,553 


162,645,649 


3,553 



Persons 
employed 
on June 1 

(or June 



200,333 
215,830 
236.908 

225,137 
2.53,139 
299,957 
304,376 
326.090 
35(3.278 



Crude average 
wage of per- 
sons em- 
ployed at end 
of each annual 
period. 



4:55 
404 
457 



$46i 

466 

460 

440 

436 

471 

[a459] 

[6480] 

[c477j 



a$ 138,577,878 divided by 302,166, the mean of 299,957 aud 304,376. 
61151,279,010 divided by 315,233, the mean of 304,376 and 326,090. 
c$162,645,649 divided by 341,184, the mean of 326,090 and 356,278. 

Since 1897 the New York bureau has collected statistics of actual earnings of wage- 
workers through the officers of workingmeus organizations, reaching in this way 150 
wage-earners where one could have been reached by means of individual schedules. As 
a large proportion of the members of trades unions are well-paid artisans and me- 
chanics of the building trades, their earnings of course average much higher than those 
of factory employees already given. The New York statistics are based on quarterly 
reports collected twice a year and thus cover one-half of each year: 



Average earnings of organized workingmen, 1897-1903. 



Tear. 


January- 
March. 


July-Sep- 
tember. 


Average 
for three 
months. 


Estimated 

average, 

for one 

year. 


Estimated 

number of 

days of 

employ- . 

ment in 

year. 


1897 

1898 » .. 

1899 .... 


$145 ■ 
164 
172 
176 
183 
184 
186 


$174 
175 
197 
182 
194 
197 
190 


$163 
169 
187 
179 
189 
191 
188 


$650 
678 
747 
716 
756 
765 
753 


254 

255 
273 


1900 


265 


1901 


274 


1902 


278 


1903 


278 







Experience has shown that earnings in the six months April-June and October- 
December run about the same as in the six months for which statistics are collected, so 
that it is not erroneous to estimate the year's earnings on that basis. Between 1897 
and 1903 the average yearly earnings of men increased $103 (from $650 to $753), or 
16 per cent. As a matter of fact, the real increase was much larger, for the member- 
ship of trades unions more than doubled in the above-mentioned period and the new 
members almost invariably belonged to trades or lived in localities where they worked 
for lower rates of wages than the old members. As a consequence -of these additions 
the average daily wage appeared to be stationary after 1899, while as a matter of fact 
it was almost universally advancing. In 1901, for example, 47,585 members of unions 
obtained advances averaging $1.97 a week, while only 2,668 suffered reductions in weekly 
wages — and these were principally due to the establishment of shorter hours of work. 
In 1903, again, 93,225 trades-unionists secured increases in wages averaging $1.78 a 
week, while only 3,329 sustained decreases. Considering these facts, it seems quite 
conservative to say that wage rates increased at least 10 per cent, between 1897 and 
1903. In that period -employment increased as follows: 



JLofG. 



- 78 

Percentage of working time in which organized working men and women were 

employed and idle. 





Year. 


Employed. 


Idle. 


1897 


Per cent. 
69.7 
76.0 
82.0 
79.5 
828 
86.6 
86.1 


Per cent. 
30.3 


1898 


24.0 


1899 


18.0 


1900 


20.5 


1901 


17.2 


1902 


13.4 


1903 


13.9 









The duration of employment in 1903 was therefore 24 per cent, greater than in 
1897. Assuming that rates of wages increased only 10 per cent, in the same interval, 
their gain in earnings would be 36 per cent. This is doubtless larger than the increase 
enjoyed by workers in manufacturing industries. 

The following tables show the — 

Prevailing daily rates of wages in the building industry of New York City 
(Manhattan Borough) from 1883 to 1903. 







an 


02 

+3 


Laborers. 


03 o 

3 -a 




o3 Y 2 




"o3 . 


m 
u 




u 
o3 


fa 

Sri 


a 

o3 


a 

m 
m 
O 


SB 

Pi 
o 

02 

03 


33 


u 
© 

o3 


£2 

3 bo 


m 
u 

o 

o 


«2 


+3 

n 

03 




tH 


M 


U 


w 


% 


a, 


Oh 


PM 


Ph 


03 


m 


GO 


H 


1883... 


|4.00 
4.00 


$3.50 
3.50 


$2.75 
2.75 


$2.50 
2.50 


$3.00 
3.00 


$2.50-4.00 
2.50-4.00 


$4.00 


$3.00-3.50 
3.50 


$3.00 
3.50 


$2.00-3.00 
2.00-3.00 


$3.00 




1884... 


4.00 


3.50 




1885... 


4.00 


3.50 


2.75 


2.50 


3.00 


3.00-4.00 


4.00 


3.50 


3.59 


2.00-3.00 


3.50 


$3.50 


1886.. . 


4.00 


3.50 


2.75 


2.50 


3.00 


3.12-100 


4.00 


3.50 


3.50 


2.50-3.50 


3.50 


3.50 


1887.. . 


4.00 


3.50 


2.75 


2.75 


3.00 


3.12-4.00 


4.00 


3.50 


8.50 


2:50-3.50 


3.50 


3..50 


1888... 


4.00 


3.50 


2.75 


2.2-5-2.75 




3.50-4.00 


4.50 


3.50 


3.50 


3.00 


3.50 


3.50 


1889... 


4.00 


3.50 


2.75 


2.25-2.75 




3.50-4.00 


4.00 


3.50 


3.50 


3.2-5 


3.50 


3.50-4.00 


1890... 


4.50 


8.50 


2.75 


2.25-2.75 




3.50-4.00 


4.00 


3.50 


8.50 


3.2-5 


8.50 


3.50-4.00 


1891... 


4.00-4.50 


3.50 


2.00-2.75 


2.40-2.50 


2.50 


3.50-4.00 


4.00 


2.75-3.75 


8.50 


3.2-5 


3.50 


4.00 


1892... 


4.00 


8.50 


2.00-2.75 


2.40-2.50 


2.50 


3.50-4.00 


4.00 


2.75-3.75 


3.50 


8.25 


8.50 


4.00 


1893... 


4.00 


3.50 


2.00-2.75 


2.40-2.50 


2.75 


3.50-4.00 


4.00 


2.75-3.75 


3.50 


8.25 


3.50 


4.00 


1894.. . 


4.00 


3.50 


2.00-2.75 


2.40 


2.75 


8.50-4.00 


4.O0 


2.75-3.75 


3.50 


8.2-3 


3.50 


4.00 


1895... 


4.00 


3.50 


2.00-2.75 


2.40 


2.75 


3.50-4.00 


4.00 


2.75-3.75 


3.50 


3.25 


3.50 


4.00 


1896... 


4.00 


8.50 


2.00-2.75 


2.40 


2.75 


3.50-4.00 


4.00 


2.75-3.75 


3.5U 


3.25 


3.50 


4.00 


1897... 


4.00 


8.50 


2.50 


2.40 


2.75 


3.00-4.00 


4.00 


8.75 


3.50 1 


3.25-3.50 


3.50 


4.00 


1898... 


4.00 


8.50 


2.50-2.80 


2.40 


2.75 


3.00-4.00 


4.00 


8.75 


8.50 


8.25-3.50 


8.50 


4.00 


189 


4.40 


8.50-4.00 


2.80-3.50 


2.64 


3.00 


3.00-4.00 


4.50 


8.75 


8.50 


8.50 


3.75 


4.00 


1900.. . 


4.40 


4.00 


3.20-3.50 


2.64 


3.00 


3.00-4.00 


4.50 


8.75 


3.50 


8.75 


4.00 


4.50 


1901.. . 


4.80 


4.00 


8.76 


2.64 


3.00 


3.00-4.50 


4.50 


3.75 


8.75 


3.75 


4.00 


5.00 


1902.. . 


5.20 


4.50 


4.00 


2.80 


3.25 


a3.50-4.50 


5.00 


4.25 


4.00 


4.00 


4.00 


5.00 


1903.. . 


5.20 


4.50 


4.50 


2.80 


8.25 


a3.50-4.50 


5.50 


4.25 


4.00 


4.00 


4.00 


5.00 



a Amalgamated reports painters' wages $4; the Brotherhood, $3.50 and $4. Amalgamated 
reports decorators' wage $4.50. Decorators received the higher rate throughout the entire period. 

Prevailing daily rates of wages for paving and stonecutting in New York City 
(Manhattan Borough), 1883 to 1903. 



Year. 


Pav- 
ing. 


Freestone. 


Gran- 
ite. 


Marble. 


Year. 


rav- 
ing. 


Freestone. 


Gran- 
ite. 


Marble. 


1883 


$1.00 
4.00 
4.00 
4.00 
5.00 
5.00 


$4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4. GO 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 


$3.50 
3.50 
3.50 
3.50 
3.50 
3.50 
4.00 
4.00 
4.00 
4.00 
4.00 


$2.50 

2.50 

S2.50-&00 

2.50-3.00 

2.50-S.OO 

2.50-3.00 

8.50 

3.50 

8.50 

8.50 

8.50 


1894 


4.50 
4.00 


4.50 

4.50 

4.50 

$3.50 and 4.50 

8.50 and 4.50 

3.50 and 4.50 

3.50 and 4.50 

8.50 and 4.50 

4.00-5.00 

. 4.00-5.00 


4.00 
4.00 
4.00 
4.00 
4.00 
4.00 
4.00 
4.00 
4.00 
4.50 


3.50 


1884 


18!)-) 


3.50 


1885 


1890 


8.50 


1886 


]M>7 


4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 
4.50 


4.00 


1887 


1898 

1899 


4.00 


1888 


4.00 


1889 


1900 


4.00 


1890 




1901 


4.50 


lsiil 


4.50 
4.50 
4.50 


1902 


4.50 


1892 


1903 ^.. 


5.00 


lSil.t 













79 



PENNSYLVANIA. 



Wages Compared. 

[From the Twenty-ninth and Thirtieth Annual Reports of the Bureau of Industrial Statistics 
1901 and 1902, pages 258 and 392, respectively.] 





Returns from 854 establish- 
ments. 


Returns from 771 establishments. 


Year. 


Em- 
ployees. 


Average 
yearly 
earn- 
ings. 


Yearly 

gain (+) 

or loss 

(-)■ 


Em- 
ployees. 


Average 
yearly 
earn- 
ings. 


Yearly 

gain( + ) 

or loss 

(-)• 


Per cent 

of 
increase 


1892 


136,882 
122,278 
109,383 
127,361 
118,092 
121,281 
187,985 
154,422 
136,814 
156,424 


$491.90 
464 66 
413.15 
445.78 
441.29 
429.90 
454.52 
506.27 
509.43 
544.80 












1893 


-127 24 

— 51.51 
+ 32.63 

— 4.49 
+ 11.39 
+ 24.62 
+ 51.75 
+ 3.16 
+ 35.37 










1894 










1895 










1896 


129,240 
134,918 
150,990 
173,302 
184,623 
191,153 
203,927 


$382 47 
383.14 
401.89 
437.37 
439.97 
450.44 
482.68 






1897 


+$1.67 
+17.75 
+35.48 
+ 2.60 
+10.47 
+32.24 


0.4 


1898 


4.6 


1899 


8.8 


1900 


.6 


1901 


2.4 


1902 


7.2 




i 







RHODE ISLAND. 

[From the annual reports of the Bureau of Industrial Statistics.] 
Wages in the textile industries, 1893-1901. 



Year. 


Average annual • 

earnings as stated 

in the report 

of the— 


Increase or decrease. 


Number 
of reports 




Current 
year. 


Follow- 
ing year. 


Amount. 


Percentage. 


tabulated. 




Gain. 


Loss. 


Gain. 


Loss. 




1893 




$364.62 
824.41 
839.97 
319.20 

0836.13 
329.75 
848.71 
878.11 












1894 


$327.83 
363.73 
313.69 
337.22 

a329.23 
347.07 
876.57 
384.89 




$37 29 




10.23 


121 


1895 


$39.32 


12.12 


123 


1896 


26.28 


7.73 


135 


1897 


18.02 


5.65 


185 


1898 


a6.90 


2.05 


151 


1899 


17.32 

27.86 

6.78 


5.25 
7.99 
1.79 


175 


1900 






186 


1901 






188 













a Corrected figures. 
Xote.— The average number of employees in the 188 factories considered in lgoo^Oi was 47,600 
in 1900 and 48,600 in 1901, and their aggregate wages were $17,998,136 and $18,707,183, respectively. 



WISCONSIN. 

[From Ninth Biennial Report of the Bureau of Labor and Industrial Statistics, 1899-1900. pages 

235-238.] 

Average annual earnings in factories, 1883-1901. 



* 










fcJ01> £ 


Year. 


*e% 




£3? 




«< a S 




0> 


L883 


39,360 


885 


38,797 


L887 


62,935 
71,218 
80,504 
80,880 


L888 


L889 


L890 


1891 


94,089 


892 


90,936 


L893 


96,540 













© . 72 


>>+i 


O cS 
En £ 


2^2 

- 1 03 


C3 d 72 

D,SO 


$14,268,213 


$368.00 




13,710,417 


354.00 


— 89.00 


23,710,866 


377.00 


+23.00 


28,416,694 


399.00 


+22.00 


32,575,944 


405.00 


+ 6.00 


33,125,213 


410.00 


+ 5.00 


38,023,247 


404.00 


— 6.00 


38,295,878 


42U.O0 


+22.00 


37,327,810 


381.00 


—45.00 



Year. 


72 

© v. © 

£££ 

> s 2* 

© 


1894 


83,642 
85'7ti7 
80,051 
87,534 
79,871 
80,159 
78,632 
82,775 


1895 

1898 


1897 


1899 


1900 


1900 


1901 







© f. xh 




tfTn = 


<3 © 


»3 eS-^J 




© © a 


° tf 


> >>* 


H-p 


< § 


$31,409,244 


$376.00 


32,993,707 


384.00 


31,749,822 


397.00 


86,583,044 


418.00 


31,515,194 


394.58 


82,983,769 


411.43 


32,378,588 


413.00 ; 


34,863,674 


422.00 j 



^^"72 

S3 2 M 

^H C5 ~ ' 



— $5.00 
+ 8.00 
+13.00 
+21.00 

+16.90 

+10.0 J 



80 



-Percentage of factory employees whose daily wages were less than $1 and 

SI. 50 or over. 



Year. 


Leas 
than $1. 


$1.50 or 
over. 


Year. 


Less 
tban $1. 


$1.50 or 
over. 


1888 


Per cent. 
17.06 
15.32 
16.00 
18.67 


Per cent. 
49.25 
54.56 
52.67 
43.89 


F95 


Per cent. 
18.33 
18.55 
19.77 


Per cent. 
43.40 


1891 


J 1896 


45.07 


1893 


1 1897 


43.40 


1894 











Lower prices in the United States than in England. 

The claim is often made that while wages are higher in the United States the cost 
of living is correspondingly cheaper in Great Britain. That this statement is erro- 
neous can be proved by official statistics obtained simultaneously in both countries. 
In 1892 the Senate Committee on Finance made an extensive report on "Retail prices 
and wages" in leading cities of the United States and Europe at different periods from 
June, 1889, to September, 1891. Among the cities considered in this report were St. 
Louis, Mo., and Manchester, England, cities for which wage comparisons have just 
been made. 

A comparison of the prices of articles of identically the same description, obtained 
at the same time, namely, June, 1889, and September, 1891, in both cities, shows that 
instead of the necessary commodities of life being higher in the United States than 
in England they are, on the contrary, as a rule much lower. This is shown in the table 
which follows. A glance at this table shows that most of the necessary food products, 
such as bread, eggs, lard, bacon, roast beef, hams, mutton, milk, starch, and canned 
vegetables, were much lower in St. Louis than in Manchester, while the prices of the 
few remaining food products averaged about the same in both countries. 

With regard to clothing and cloth goods, we find that men's hosiery, cotton shirts, 
sheetings, shirtings, and cotton and woolen dress goods of the same description and 
quality were cheaper in St. Louis than in Manchester; that carpets, flannels, and cot- 
ton underwear averaged about the same, and that only in the case of men's hats was 
there any decided difference in favor of the Manchester purchaser. 

Household articles, such as earthenware, glassware, and cutlery, were nearly the 
same in price in St. Louis as in Manchester, with a very slight difference in some cases 
in favor of the latter city. On the other hand, furniture costs from about one-fifth to 
one-half as much in the United States as in Great Britain, so that for the cost of one 
bedroom set in Manchester one could buy from two to three sets in St. Louis, and for 
the cost of one dining table at Manchester a whole dining-room set could be bought 
in St. Louis. 

But the question may be asked, "If the American workingmen earn so much more 
and pay so much less for what they consume, why are they not all wealthy and con- 
tented?" The answer may be found in the statement of the eminent French scientist, 
Prof. Emile Levasseur, in his work on- "L'Ouvrier Americain" (The American Work- 
ingman). After summing up the conditions of labor in America as compared with 
Europe he says that wages in the United States are about double the wages in Europe; 
that objects of ordinary consumption by working people (excepting dwelling houses) 
cost less in the cities of the United States than in those of Europe; that the American 
workingman lives better than the European; that he eats more substantially, dresses 
better, is more comfortably housed and more often owns his dwelling, spends more for 
life insurance and various social and beneficial associations, and, in short, has a much 
higher standard of life than the European workingman. 



81 



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INDEX 



NOTE : All titles refer to the acts of President Roosevelt and are to be so applied. 



A 

Abolition of Child Contract Labor 7 
Abolition of Cigar factories in Ten- 
ement Houses 6 

Abolition of Tenement-House Ci- 
gar factories 6 

Abolishing Slavery in the Philip- 
pine Islands 30 

Accidents to be reported 63 

Action of President Roosevelt on 

Labor Legislation 3-4 

Air-Brakes on Freight Trains.... 19 

American Ideal of Justice 58 

American Goods in American 

Ships 48 

American Standard of Living 27-28 

American Success, Secret of 60 

American Wage-Workers, Refer- 
ence to in Message 48 

American Workingman, Standard 

of Wages and Living 47 

Americans, do not want Charity.. 53 
Americans, to work Together for 

Good 52 

Arbitration, Compulsory not fa- 
vored by Commission 43 

Arbitration and Mediation 51 

Armories for Homeless Ones dur- 
ing Blizzard, 1899, in New York 

City 56 

Association, Vital Importance of.. 45 
Average Man 54 

B 
Baths — Free Public, in New York 
City 8 

Belgium, Wages in, in 1896 71 

Blacklisting and Boycotting 42 



Blizzard of 1899 — Armories opened 

to Homeless during 56 

Boards of Arbitration, Act for 63 

Boycotting and Blacklisting 42 

Brothei-hood Locomotive Firemen 
Elect President to Honorary 

Membership 23 

Bureau of Labor Statistics, Estab- 
lishing 8 

C 

Candidates, for President 61 

Capital a*nd Labor, Mutual Inter- 
est of 59 

Car Fare on Elevated R. R., New 
York City, fixed at 5 cents 8 

Charity, Not Wanted by Mass of 
Americans 53 

Cheapness under Padrone System, 
a Sacrifice 49 

Child Contract Labor, Abolition of 
in Reformatory Institutions 7 

Child Labor, Restricting 9 

Child Labor in Factories, in the 
States 64 

Child Labor in the Mines, in the 
States 64 

Chinese Exclusion Extended to Is- 
land Territory 28 

Cigar Factories i n Tenement- 
Houses, Abolition of 6 

Cigar Makers Union, Amount ex- 
pended for Out-of-work Benefits 75 

Citizens, Good and Bad 58 

Class Antagonism, to be avoided.. 54 

Class Government, Danger of 57 

Coal Commission for Right and 
Justice 51 



84 



Coal Commission, Obligations of 
Union and Non-Union Men de- 
fined by 40 

Coal Commission, on Trade Union- 
ism 39 

Coal Strike — Action of President 
at the White House 35 

Coal Strike and President 34 

Coal Strike — Commission to be 
appointed 36-37 

Coal Strike — Mitchell's Reply, at 
White House , 36 

Coal Strike, Origin of 35 

Coal Strike — Ultimate Effect 34 

Commerce and Labor, Department 
of 31 

Commission on Coal Strike to be 
appointed 36-37 

Commission to Examine Contract- 
System of Employing- Convicts.. 11 

Compulsory Investigation discuss- 
ed by Commission 43 

Construction better than Destruc- 
tion 53 

Convict Labor Laws, Abolishing.. 62 

Convicts, Contract System of Em- 
ploying — Commission to examine 11 

Coolie Trade 61 

Corporations Benefited by Obey- 
ing tne .Law 55 

Cunning Must be Shackled 25 

D 

Danger of Class Government 57 

Democratic State s — Legislation 
for Labor (Table) 65 

Department of Commerce and La- 
bor 31 

Department of Labor, Act Creat- 
ing 63 

Destruction vs. Construction 53 

District of Columbia, Labor Code, 
a model 31 

District of Columbia, Liability 
Law 32 

District of Columbia, Tax Exemp- 
tion in 32 

Doctrine of Trade Unionism Sup- 
ported by Coal Commission 39 

Drug Clerks, Shortening Working 
Hours of 18 



E 

Earning, Average Annual of Men, 
Women, Children, Compared. ... 69 

Economic Fitness to enter our In- 
dustrial Field, as Competitors of 
American Labor 28 

Eight-hour Day at Prevailing 
Eates 12 

Eight-hour Law Applied to Irri- 
gating Work 30 

Eight-hour Law in the States 65 

Eight-hour Law, Legislation on... 63 

Eight-hour Law, Making the, Ef- 
fective 43 

Elevation of Labor. 46 

Employed and Idle Workmen in 
New York, 1897 to 190?, 76 

Employees, Preferred Creditors.. 1C 

Employers Liability recognized by 
Law 49 

Employers Liability Law — District 
of Columbia 32 

Employer's Liability Laws, in the 
States 65 

Employment of Mongolians pro- 
hibited on Irrigating Works.... 30 

Employment Offices in the District 
of Columbia 31 

Employment Offices under State 
Control 50 

Employment, Public 30-31 

Engineers, Licensing and Register- 
ing- 19 

Engineers, Stationary, Licensing 
in Buffalo 16 

Epitome of Roosevelt's Action on 
Labor Legislation 3-4 

Exemptions from Tax in District 
of Columbia Effects to the Value 
of $1,000 32 

F 

Factory Act, Amendments to 15 

Factory Employees, Daily wages 
less than $1.00 and more than 

$1.50 SO 

Factory Inspection, in the States.. 64 

Factory Inspectors Provided 11 

Factory Inspectors, to enforce Act 
regulating- hours of labor on 
railroads 13 



85 



Factory Inspectors, to enforce 

Scaffolding Law 12 

Factories — Safeguarding Life and 

Limb in 8 

Family Incomes, Europe and 

America, compared 67 

Farm Wages in States, compared. . 68 

Farmer and Wage Earner 56 

Farmer and Workingman, I n- 

creased Prosperity of 47 

Females — Eegulating Hours of La- 
bor 10 

Five Cent Fare, on Elevated Road 

New York City 8 

Force Must Be Shackled 25 

Force versus Personal Liberty 42 

France, Daily Wages Compared... 74 

France, Wages in, in 1893 71 

Free Employment Bureaus, in the 

States 65 

Free Public Baths in New York 
City 8 

G 

Germany, Railway Wages 79 

Germany, Wages in 74 

Get-together Policy to Solve Prob- 
lem . 52 

Good and Bad Citizens 5S 

Good of One is the Good of All 57 

Government Work and Union La- 
bor 23 

Governor of New York, Work of . . 11 
Gray, Judge, Statement of, Sept. 

1, 1903 44 

Great Britain and Ireland, Wages 
(Tables) 73 

H 

Helpless Investors and Weak 
Wage Workers, compared. . 49 

Hours of Labor, of Minors and Fe- 
males 10 

Hours of Drug Clerks, Shortening. 18 

Hours of Labor, on railroads, reg- 
ulating 12 

Horseshoers, examination and 
registration of 16 

Hostility between Classes Depre- 
cated 26 



I 

Ideal of Justice, American... 58 

Idler, No Eoom for 60 

Idlers, Willfully, Have No Koom 

Here 53 

Illinois, Wages in 75 

Immigration, Laws Affecting 62 

Immigration Laws, More Strin- 
gent, approved by President 

Roosevelt 28-29 

Immigration Laws Unsatisfactory 28 
Income of Men, Women and Chil- 
dren, in Manufacturing Indus- 
tries 69 

Incorporating New York City Free 

Circulating Library 

Increase of Wealth and Comfort 

in U. S 56 

Industrial Peace, to Promote "9 

Inspection of Mines, in the States. 64 

Inspection of Steam Vessels 62 

Involuntary Servitude of Foreign- 
ers 61 

Iowa 75 

Ireland and Great Britain, Wages 

in ( Tables) 78 

Island Possessions, Chinese Exclu- 
sion extended to 28 

J 

Judge Gray's Statement, Sept 1, 
1903 44 

L 

Labor and American Standard of 

Living 27-28 

Labor and Capital, Mutual Inter- 
est of 59 

Labor and Commerce, Department 

of 31 

Labor Bulletins, Quarterly 15 

Labor Bureaus in States 63 

Labor Code for District of Colum- 
bia, a Model 31 

Labor Departments in States 

should Receive Support 50 

Labor, Elevation of 46 

Labor Laws have worked well 49 

Labor Legislation, Real Benefit of 48 
Labor Legislation in Republican 
and Democratic States 63 



86 



Labor Legislation, Eoosevelt's Fa- 
vorable Action on 3-4 

Labor Organizations, sustained by 
Violation of Law, has no rights. 42 

Labor Statistics, Bureau of 8 

Labor Statistics, Vital Importance 

of 50 

Labor Union and Miller Case 24 

Labor Unions 45 

Labor Unions, Good accomplished 

by 45 

Labor Unions, Necessity for 45 

Labor and Minors 38 

Laborers, for Municipal Employ- 
ment, to be registered 16 

Lawless Acts of Rich and Poor 

Men 26 

Laws Restricting Immigrants Ap- 

• proved by Pres. Roosevelt. . . .28-29 
Legislation against Sweat Shops.. 49 
Legislation to Shield Wage-Work- 
ers 48 

Legislation by States 66 

Liability Law — District of Colum- 
bia 32 

Library, Free Circulating, Incor- 
porating 9 

Licensing Employment Offices in 

the District of Columbia 31 

Licensing of Stationary Engineers 

in Buffalo 16 

Lien Law, Amending 20 

Lien Rights of Working Women.. 8 
Liens, Mechanics, providing. ...... 9 

Lincoln, President, Word on Labor 41 
Living, American Standard of.. 27-28 
London and New York, Wage Rate 

compared 70 

Lower Prices in U. S. than in Eng- 
land 80 

M 

Making Emploj'ees Preferred 

Creditors 10 

Manchester, Eng., and St. Louis 

Prices compared 81 

Massachusetts, Wages in 76 

Mechanics Liens, Amendments to. 15 

Mechanics Liens, Providing 9 

Mechanics must not be brought in- 
to competition with prison labor 51 



Mediation and Arbitration, in the 

States 65 

Mediation Better than Arbitration 51 
Men should stand for their rights 46 

Message on Trades Unions 22 

Messages to Congress — Annual to 

57th Congress, 1901 46-4S 

Message to New York Legislature 
relating to Capital and Labor . . 11 

Miller, William, Case of 24 

Miller Case, Official Account of 

hearing in 25 

Miller Reinstated 21 

Mine Inspection in the States 6i 

Mine Regulations in the Terri- 
tories 30 

Miners and Laborers 38 

Minors, regulating Hours of Labor 10 
Mitchell, at White House, his reply 

to President 36 

Mongolians, prohibiting Employ- 
ment of on Irrigating Works 30 

Municipal Ownership of Rapid 
Transit Railways 20 

N 

National Trades Unions, Incorpo- 
ration of 63 

New York Assembly, Roosevelt a 

Member of 

New York, Wages in 76,77,78 

No Room for the Idler 60 

Non-union Men, Rights of, Defend- 
ed by Coal Commission 40 

O 

Obligation of Union Men, indicated 
by Commission 40 

Official Account of Hearing in Mil- 
ler Case 25 

One Law for All — Rich or Poor. ... 55 

P 

Padrone System and Cheapness... 49 

Pennsylvania, Wages in 79 

Peonage 61 

Personal Effort the first requisite 

of success ; 21 

Philippine Islands, Abolishing Sla- 
very ki 30 



87 



Plain People, Weal of 5 

Plutocracy and Mob 2G 

Policy of State Intervention 26-27 

President and Appointment o f 

Coal Strike Commission 36-37 

President and Coal Strike 34 

President elected to Honorary 
Membership, Locomotive Fire- 
men 23 

President and Property Rights... 44 
President and Trades Unionism.. 21 
President and the Working- Man.. 21 
Prices, Lower in U. S. than in Eng- 
land 80 

Prices (Table), Ordinary Consump- 
tion, St. Louis and Manchester 

compared 81 

Principles of State Interference.. 27 
Printing-, State, owned by State.. 50 
Prison Labor and Free Mechanic 51 

Property Rights and President 44 

Protection to American Working- 
man seen in Wages and Living. . 47 
Protection of Laborers, in sinking 

gas or oil wells 9 

Protection of Seamen 62 

Public Employment 30-31 

R 

Railroad Employees possess Cour- 
age and Hardihood 46 

Railroad Men make Good Soldiers 
and Citizens 46 

Railway Compensation, 18 9 2 to 
1902 72 

Railway Labor, Wages and Earn- 
ing of 72 

Railway Safety Appliance, Laws 32-33 

Railways, Rapid Transit, Munici- 
pal Ownership of 20 

Recognition of the Union 39 

Registration of Horseshoers 16 

Registration of Laborers for Mu- 
nicipal Employment 16 

Regulating Hours of Minors and 
Females 10 

Regulating Wage Rates of Labor- 
ers employed by Municipalities. 7 

Republican States, Legislation for 
Labor (Table) 66 

Restricting Child Labor 9 



Rich or Poor, one law for all. ... 55 

Rights of Laboring Men 46 

Rights of Labor — 

To Strike 41 

To Work 41 

Rhode Island, Wages in 79 

Roosevelt as a Member of the New 
York Assembly 6 

S 

Safeguarding Life and Limb in 

Factories 8 

Safety Appliances on Railways.... 62 

Safety- Appliance Laws 32-33 

Safety in Mines for Laborers.... 30 

Safety of Workmen 62 

Scaffolding Law, to Enforce 12 

School Teachers in New York City, 

increasing Salary of 19 

Seamen, Protection of 62 

Seats for Females in Shops, in the 

States 64 

Seats for Waitresses in Hotels and 

Restaurants 19 

Secret of American Success 60 

Ships, American, carrying Ameri- 
can Goods 48 

Slavery, in Philippine Islands 61 

Slavery in the Philippine Islands, 

abolishing 30 

Spurn Leadership which Excite 

Class Antagonism 54 

State Control of Employment 

.Offices 50 

State, an Exemplary Employer... 50 
State Interference, Principles of.. 27 
State Intervention, for Equalizing 

Opportunities 26-27 

State Ownership of Printing Plant 50 
Statistics, Labor, of Vital Import- 
ance 50 

State's Labor Departments should 

receive Support 50 

Steam Vessel Inspection 6:2 

Stone Cutters, Wages of, in New 

York, 1893 to 1903 78 

Sweat Shop Legislation in the 

States 65 

Sweat Shops, Legislation against. 49 
Sweat-Shop System, Opinion Con- 
cerning 13 



T 

Tax Exemptions, of Effects in Dis- 
trict of Columbia 32 

Teachers, School, in New York 

City, increasing Salary of 19 

Tenement-House Cigar Factories, 

Abolition of 6 

Tenement House Reform 16 

To Promote Industrial Peace 9 

Trade Unionism, supported by the 

Coal Commission 39 

Trade Unions, much can be done 

by them .* 45 

Trades Union, l\iessage on 22 

Trades Unionism and the Presi- 
dent 21 

Trades Unions, The Necessity of.. 21 
Truck System, in the States 65 

U • 

Union Labor in Government Work 23 
Union Labor, Obligation of, indi- 
cated by Coal Commission 40 

Union or Non-Union, Eights to 
Strike or Work 41 

V 

Violations of Law, Forfeits all 
Rights of Organized Labor 42 

W 

Wage Earner and Farmer 56 

Wage, Pate of Nov. 1, 1902, Ad- 
vance in • 38 

Wage, Rate in 1886, in Great Brit- 
ain and Ireland 70 

Wage Rate, London and New York 70 

Wage Rate, Regulating of Labor- 
ers in Municipalities 7 

Wage Rate, Source of Information 69 

Wage-Worker, Weak, compared 
with Helpless Investors 49 

Wage - Workers, Legislation t o 
Shield 48 

Wages, Annual, in Manufacturing 
New York, 1896 to 1899 77 

Wages, 15 Skilled Trades, com- 
pared Europe and America 67 

Wages in Building Trades, New 
York, London, and Paris 69 

Wages, Increase of 37 



Wages in Belgium, in 1896 71 

Wages in France, Daily, compared 74 

Wages in France in 1893 71 

Wages in Germany 71 

Wages in Germany, on State Rail- 
ways 74 

Wages in Great Britain and Ire- 
land 73 

Wages in Illinois 75 

Wages in Iowa 75 

Vvages in Massachusetts 76 

Wages in New York 76, 77, 78 

Wages, New York, London and 

Paris, in Building Trades 69 

Wages in Pennsylvania 79 

Wages in Rhode Island 79 

Wages in U. S 75 

Wages in U. S. and Europe (Table) 67 

Wages in Wisconsin 79 

Wages of Organized Workmen, 

New York, 1897 to 1903 77 

Wages of Factory Employees, 

above and below $1.50 per day.. 80 
Wages of Pavers and Stone Cut- 
ters, in New York, 1883 to 1903.. 78 

Wages of Railway Employees 72 

Wages on the Farm, in States, 

compared 68 

Wages, Trend of in recent years.. 74 
Wages, Weekly Rates Compared, 

Europe' and America 68 

Weal of the Plain People 5 

Wealth and Comfort in the U. S., 

increase of 56 

Welfare of All the Criterion of 

Class Legislation 59 

Wells, Sinking, Protection of La- 
borers in 9 

Willfully Idle, no room for here.- 5.°. 

Wisconsin, Wages in 79 

Wise Labor Legislation, Benefit of 48 
Women in Hotel and Restaurants 

as Waitresses to have Seats 19 

Women Labor, in the States 64 

Workingman and the Farmer, in- 
creased Prosperity of 47 

Workingman and President 21 

Working Men and Women Organ- 
ized, Time Idle and Employed, 

in New York, 1897 to 1903 78 

Working Women, Lien Rights of.. 8 



No. 6. 

"There is a conflict in which there can be no truce — the conflict between 
i capital and capitalization." 

Independent American enterprise is equal to the strategy of our commercial 

defense. 




OF 



Hon. JONATHAN P. DOLLIVER 



OF IOWA 



IN THE 



UNITED STATES SENATE 



Wednesday, April 20th, 1904 






EXTRACTS FROM THE SPEECH Or 

HON. JONATHAN P. DOLLIVER 

OF IOWA 

Mr. Dolliver said: Mr. President, I have been very much interested since 
the present session of Congress began in observing the complete victory which the 
existing tariff law has won over the prejudices and settled opinions which for gen- 
erations have determined the attitude of the Democratic party toward the protective 
policy. For the first time in our national history since 1816 that policy stands approved, 
its enemies themselves being the judges, by the common consent of the American 
people. If we may accept the plain intimation of the Democratic leaders of the 
Senate and of the House of Representatives, the old battle cries of the party are 
not to be heard as we approach the Presidential election of this year. But in their 
place we are likely to find a calm and resigned acceptance of our established industrial 
system, with no suggestion of a change which will disturb its foundations or alarm the 
interests which have grown up under its influence. 

In order to interpret the conservative programme of dealing with the tariff which 
the Senator from Maryland for the second time brings forward as a platform for 
the Democratic party, let me read two sentences from an article printed in a recent 
magazine by the Hon. Johk Sharp Williams: 

"The general principle that protectionism," says this writer, "is wrong, morally 
wrong — a prostitution of government to private ends — should never be forgotten; the 
goal ought never to be lost sight of. At the same time the friends of tariff reform 
would not strike down, in a revolutionary way, overnight, as the Germans say, all the 
scaffolding which the false system has erected." 

I may be mistaken about it, but it looks to me as if the platform outlined by the 
Senator from Maryland, intended to allure the country into the belief that the great 
industries by which our people live are not to be subjected, in case of Democratic 
victory, to an immediate assault, will be read in the light of this more candid if less 
seductive statement of the actual motive of Democratic statesmanship. For the 
difficulty which- his followers labor under when they try to harmonize their crude 
fanaticism with his soft and benignant method of winning elections, without arousing 
the country and putting the people on their defense, is illustrated also in speeches 
which have been made here and to which I can more appropriated refer: 

I have been taught, and I believe, that the Dingley tariff is an abomination — 

Said the eloquent Senator from North Carolina in the Cuban debate of Decem- 
ber 15— 

that it is an exorbitant . and excessive taxation, and that after levying a sufficient sum 
to make up the difference between the labor and the material cost between this 
country and competing countries it imposes heavy additional duties, in many instances 
for no other purposes than private enrichment. 

It will thus appear that the effort to detach the Democratic party from its tradi- 
tional antipathy to the protective tariff system is not likely to deceive very many people 
in a country whose pathway has been lit by an experience so acute and so recent 
as to baffle all attempts to explain it, however persistent or captivating. 

INDUSTRIAL SYSTEM SUBMITTED TO TEST. 

Within the past ten years the industrial system established by our fathers and 
defended by all our great practical statesmem who were not under the duress of the 
slave power, from Washington to McKinley, has had to submit to a test more severe 
than it had ever before encountered. The question for the first time has become 
debatable whether the universal law of competition in our market place is able to 
stand up in the present state of American business or has gone to pieces as a result 
of a new industrial situation. And we are gravely informed that the trust question 
is to be made the paramount issue of the approaching campaign. 

It can not be denied that the public uneasiness over the sudden rise of the trust 
system, affecting all classes of society, has given an uncommon opportunity for every 
form of reckless agitation to find an audience. It would be expecting too much even 



3 

itl Democratic conservatism that il should miss such an opportunity; and it must be 
confessed, if it could be shown that the policy of sheltering the industries of the 
United States against the damaging competition of other countries had resulted in 
a successful conspiracy in restraint of trade in our own country, the task of defend- 
ing the protective tariff would become a good deal harder than it ever has been before. 

It is not surprising, therefore, that the uprising of public opinion against the 
trusts should have taken the form of a clamor not altogether confined within party 
lines against the protective tariff system itself, and it can not be denied that there was 
something exasperating beyond all patience in seeing industries which had literally 
been created out of the dust of the earth by the act of 1890 manipulated within ten 
years into huge corporations seeking to engross the whole market place. But time 
enough has elapsed and things enough have happened to enable us to bring all these 
scare heads and signals of distress to the test of experience, and to judge with some 
degree of accuracy how the principle of protection holds its previous reputation in 
the midst of such new and strange influences as have beset the American market 
place during the last ten years. 

The Democratic party was quick to take up the statement which the president 
of the American Sugar Refining Company made in his testimony before the Industrial 
Commission that "the customs-tariff law is the mother of trusts." That sentence, 
passing rapidly into the liturgy of Democratic devotions, has become the text for every 
species of extravagant declamation and invective. It has seldom happened to a single 
man to render such a service to his party in the hour of its distraction, and if that 
sentence is to be made the paramount issue of the approaching campaign, ordinary 
generosity would require that Mr. Havemeyer's name should appear somewhere on the 
ticket. 

I propose to inquire briefly into the truth of that proposition, then into the extent 
of the trust influence in our various fields of industrial production, and, after that, 
into the behavior of the law of competition, operating in a market place like ours, 
suddenly invaded by the reckless spirit of trust speculation. 

TRUST INFLUENCE. 

It is hard to understand how anyone experienced in the practical aspect of affairs 
can believe that the effect of protective laws has been to foster, much less to engen- 
der, monopoly. The American market place is a unit, and every part of it, in the 
nature of the case, shares alike in the advantages arising from a given schedule. 
The object of such a schedule and its uniform result has been to produce not one 
industry but many of like kind; not in one section of the country alone, but every- 
where throughout our borders. So that if a tendency toward monopoly has grown 
up in the United States it must be explained on some other principle. For more than 
a century these laws which are said to breed trusts had the undeniable effect to dis- 
tribute throughout our whole territory the industries which they were designed to build 
up, so that from ocean to ocean the map of the United States has been colored all 
over by the innumerable industrial activities of the American people. 

And even in these later years, at the very time the outcry against the trusts has 
silenced all the other noises of our political strife, the publication of the census of 1900 
has thrown the light of definite information upon the flights of everybody's imagina- 
tion. Whoever now begins his tirade against the trusts by announcing that they be- 
stride our narrow industrial world like a colossus, only makes himself ridiculous. For- 
tunately we know in this Presidential campaign what we did not know in the last — 
exactly how many trusts there are, where they are located, what their capital is, and 
what their relation to the business of the country is. At the time the census was 
taken they employed 8.4 per cent, of the factory labor of the country, and their total 
output was 14.1 per cent, of the aggregate factory product of the United States, 
In order to exhibit the exact relation which they bore to the varied field of our indus- 
trial production, I will ask your attention to Table 26, contained in Part I of the 
census of manufactures: 

TRUSTS FIRST MADE THEIR APPEARANCE IN FREE-TRADE COUN- 
TRIES. 

The census of 1900 has been supplemented by careful investigations, which bring 
our knowledge down to date. A notable and useful work of this character is the recent 
book called "The Truth about the Trusts," by Mr. John Moody, who appears to be 
i cpnrpetent gtudent, entirety without bias, except perhaps a rather insubstantial hope 



that better days are ahead for the trust combinations. I notice in this book that the 
author puts down the names of 318 trusts, counting those in various states of dilapi- 
dation; but the list includes at least 100 which are composed of only two constituent 
companies and many others which are unimportant in size and negligible in influence. 

It is a safe calculation, however, considering how rapidly their competitors have 
gained upon them, to say that the combined product of all of them, compared to the 
total ouput of the country, is less rather more than is shown by the figures of the 
census. It needs, therefore, only the slightest familiarity with our industrial statis- 
tics to relieve a man's mind at once of the fear that the whole market place has been 
overshadowed by new and sinister business adventures; and hereafter whoever tries 
to deal with the trust problem at all will be compelled to deal with an ascertained 
situation and to let go, however reluctantly, of the endless chain of hearsay and 
fable which has been worked so long by all sorts and conditions of men in the United 
States. 

I do not intend to discuss at this point the origin of the trusts. The subject is 
an intricate one and I have not finished my meditations upon it, but I have got far 
enough into it to see that the protective system is not the mother of them, for that 
system was a century old before the first one of them was born; and beside that, 
they made their appearance in free-trade countries even before they did here. I 
distinctly remember that Mr. Blaine, immediately after his return from Europe in 
1888, opened the Harrison campaign by the statement, verified by the common knowl- 
edge of everybody, that England was even then plastered all over with trusts. Fur- 
thermore, very many of our trusts, from the least and the meanest, like the American 
Ice Company, even unto the greatest and most successful, like the Standard Oil Com- 
pany, have dealt with commodities which have nothing to lose by free trade, and never 
have had. 

I am not one of those who have been deceived by the dogmatic statement so often 
heard in this discussion that the trust is an evolution, and therefore to be accepted, 
if not as a consummation devoutly to be wished, at least as a final state of things 
not to be disturbed, except under the heavy penalties imposed by the laws of nature. 
There is an evolution of business from the day of small things to the modern triumphs 
of accumulated capital over the market places of the world which no man in his 
senses complains of; and one of the misfortunes of the trust agitation as it has been 
conducted in the past has been its indiscriminate attack upon enterprises of large 
capital, and especially upon corporate undertakings which have assembled vast in- 
vestments for the transaction of business upon a scale previously unapproached. 

There are few among us who would take away from the business community of 
the United States the modern weapons with which we have fought our way into the 
,~rena of the world's affairs, and that man renders the American people a very doubt- 
ful service who, in his hurry to strike down the trusts, assaults with indiscriminate 
stupidity the great corporations which have collected the scattered and unfruitful ac- 
cumulations of many individuals and put them at the service of the community. 

THE LAW OF PROPERTY. 

The oldest law known among men, except the law of the family, is the law of 
property. It has been comparatively easy to justify that law in all ages, for while 
it has not always been regarded as certain that what you have earned and saved is 
yours, it has always been obvious that it is not mine. If it has become harder to 
defend the law of property, whether individual or corporate, in our own times, it is not 
because its foundations are any less secure or its rights any less sacred; it is because 
the inventions of avarice and greed have filled the hearts of millions of people with 
resentment against the whole tribe of promoters, underwriters, stockjobbers, and 
cheats at common law. And I venture the opinion in this Chamber that the law of 
property which we have inherited from our fathers, the immemorial prescription of 
civilization which guards the earnings and savings of labor, whether invested in a 
farm, in a cottage, or in the stocks of a railroad, a bank, or a manufacturing company, 
never had more defenders to fight for it than it has to-day, nor a wiser, truer friend 
to speak for it than the President of the United States. 

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IS ACCUSED BY ITS ADVERSARIES OP 
NURTURING THE TRUSTS. 

For proof the circumstance is cited that they began to increase and multiply af- 
ter MpKinley'g first election. It is true that few trusts were organized during Mr. 



Cleveland's last Administration; not, however, because either the President or the 
Congress by word or deed assumed a threatening attitude toward them, but for the 
reason that all business was suspended, all credit abolished, and hardly enough money 
left in circulation to capitalize the organized charities. The only responsibility which 
Republican policies have had in the matter is that under their auspices a revival of busi- 
ness took place which lifted the country at once out of rags into alnuence; and what- 
citizens who have ever had any temptation to kill them off by remedies which have 
ever may be said in condemnation of the trust evil, there are mighty few thoughtful 
never failed to produce the industrial misfortune out of which we escaped in 1896. 

Nor ought it to be forgotten that the only steps which have been taken by legis- 
lation to prevent conspiracies in restraint of trade — the act of 1890, the act of last year 
to put a stop to secret freight discriminations, and, more important than either, the ade- 
quate equipment of a Bureau of Corporations in the new Department of Commerce and 
Labor — have been taken by the Republican party. The Sherman law did not, how- 
ever, deal with such a problem as has grown up in these later years. The late Senator 
Hanna using the language of a plain, blunt, business man, began his discussion of the 
trusts on the stump in Ohio by stating in a straightforward way that "there are no trusts 
in the United States," and while his speech was laughed at a good deal, yet he spoke 
the literal truth. 

I hold in my hand a little book, published in 1888 by William V. Cook, a mem- 
ber of the New York bar — a mere pamphlet on the trusts — which gives a description 
of the various forms of industrial combination which up to that time had attracted 
public attention. He sets out in full the agreements upon which the Standard Oil 
trust and the sugar trust of that period were based, and describes with some detail 
the various f»rms of trade arrangements by which numerous industries had sought the 
advantages of a more or less compact organization. Some were manufacturing agree- 
ments; others selling agreements; others still mere associations for the benefit of 
the trade. Only two of them appear to have represented a settled purpose of monopo- 
lizing the market place, and all of them seem to have been a crude expression of the 
desire of those concerned to avoid the losses and wastes incident to unrestrained com- 
petition. 

These were the trusts of 1890, and against them the public opinion of that day, 
aided by the antitrust laws, Federal and local, as administered by the courts, was so 
effective that within a brief time the primitive trust system disappeared altogether, 
and little remains except the name to identify the corporate combinations of to-day 
with the trust movement of the period prior to 1890. 

The trust of these times is a single corporation, regularly chartered under State 
laws, which has acquired in one title, the separate properties which constitute its 
plant, so that the problem of dealing with it without rewriting the whole law of cor- 
porate property becomes at once difficult and obscui'e. The trustees who formerly 
managed separate properties freely committed to their control by the owners have 
disappeared, and the board of directors exercising all the legal rights of proprietor- 
ship over combined properties has taken their place. I am not sure that this transition 
of industries from the hands of several corporations into the control of the single one, 
if it could have been made within certain well-defined limits and in perfect good faith 
toward the public, would have in the long run been regarded as against the general 
welfare. It permits so many savings in production and distribution and avoids 
so many of the wastes of the common methods of business that there are reasons for 
believing that the public would have taken no detriment, but advantage rather, from it. 

It has been so uniformly true that the process of cheapening production and 
facilitating transportation has inured to the benefit of the whole community, that it 
requires no very unusual confidence in the laws which govern this world to believe that 
these corporations, when honestly formed and honestly administered, might be made 
a blessing to the whole world. I have never been disturbed because Congress has not 
been more swift to strike them down. 

I AM SURE THAT THERE ARE LAWS IN THE UNIVERSE WHICH CON- 
GRESS DID NOT MAKE AND WHICH, FORTUNATELY, CONGRESS 
HAS NOT YET REPEALED. 

Without disparaging the sovereignty of the people over these gigantic creations 
of the State, the real sovereignty which holds them to their strictest account is the 
frame and structure of things in a world governed, after all, by the everlasting law 
of fair dealing among men. The progress of society from the itinerant shoemaker, 



6 

carrying his tools and his stock with him, fashioning footwear for the entire family 
while he tarried under their humble roof, to the mammoth shoe factories of New Eng- 
land, is by far more startling in its effect upon the community than the absorption 
of all these great plants into one could possibly be. 

When 1 have reflected, therefore, upon what might happen to us if any one of our 
varied industrial fields should pass into a single ownership I have found a good deal 
of comfort in the thought that even such an institution, from its foundation up, would 
be compassed about by far-reaching limitations upon its power to oppress and de- 
grade the market place which" it had been called to serve; so that if one of our mod- 
ern trusts should manage to secure and to hold, by fair means or foul, the exclusive 
production of a given article of general use and necessity, in the very nature of the 
ease not only its permanent grip upon the market, but its profit from year to year 
would require its managers to divide with the community the savings incident to its 
improved methods and to put its product within reach of the people upon the fairest 
and most equitable terms. 

LAW OF MAXIMUM CONSUMPTION. 

It is a maxim of every great business that it moves upon tonnage, and its whole 
problem is to secure the wide distribution of its product rather than to reap extortion- 
ate profits upon a limited sale. The Government of the United States, if you will allow 
me to make an example of the only perfect monopoly there is in the country, has always 
jealously guarded its exclusive right in the manufacture and sale of postage stamps. 
Again and again the price of them has been put down — from 25 cents to 15, from 15 
to 10, from 10 to 5, from 5 to 3, from 3 to 2. Every one of these reductions has 
been for the purpose of increasing the postal revenues, and every one of them has 
so speedily brought about that result that to-day there are shrewd people who think 
that a flat reduction of letter postage to 1 cent would still further increase the receipts 
of the service. 

What law is that? It is the law of maximum consumption, by virtue of which 
the profits of a great business are multiplied; not by the arts of extortion and greed, 
but by deliberately reducing the price of the article until its use reaches from the 
few to the unnumbered millions. That is a law which God made and which Congress 
has not yet repealed. 

Not one of the trusts, not even those which, like the American Sugar Refining 
Company, have approached most nearly to a monopoly, is exempt from that law. 
They watch more diligently than ever the signs of the market, for they know better 
than anybody else that their profit is in the sale and not in the manufacture of their 
goods. 

BIG BUSINESS DONE IN A FAIR WAY. 

Even such a natural monopoly as a railroad has learned that its dividends are 
more secure with a big business done in a fair way with a friendly community, than 
with a precarious business conducted on lines which impoverish its patrons and leave 
them stripped and embittered at every station along the line. How else shall we ac- 
count for the fact that the consolidation of the American railway system has been 
accompanied with a steady decline of rates, until to-day they are less than 50 per 
rent, of what they were twenty years ago, and less by far than anywhere else in the 
whole world. The motto, "Charge what the traffic will' bear," belongs to a rudimentary 
stage of railway management, long since superseded by the more enlightened sellish- 
which studies the improvement of facilities and the development of a territory 
upon which its earnings permanently depend. 

There is another common law inherent in the nature of things which stands guard 
in the market places of the earth against the exactions of greed even when it is clothed 
with t'i.e powers and opportunities of monopoly, and that is the law of deferred con- 
sumption. 

LAW OF DEFERRED CONSUMPTION. 

There is a sense in which to the modern man the distinction between luxuries and 
necessities has passed away, so that, speaking in general terms, everything is a neces 
But the necessity of buying things has one benevolent limitation upon it — it is not 
always necessary to buy them to-day, or this week, or even this fall. Nearly every- 

g, from the clothing upon our backs to the roof over our heads, can wait until 
ructure of high prices yields to Lite irresistible pressure of the market pkiee. 



Suppose, for example, that every factory making hats in the United States should 

bsorbed by a single corporation, which should blindly and stupidly fix the price 
of one at $10, how long would a monopoly like that last before it would be reduced to 
bankruptcy by the quiet but effectual competition of every old hat that there is in the 
United States? Even the present price tends notably in that direction, for I am told 
that many of the lockers in the cloakrooms of the Senate are keeping the dust off of 
silk hats purchased to attend McKinley's funeral. 

That placid, undemonstrative section in the statute book of human nature called 
the law of deferred consumption has already wrecked more than one promising capital- 
ization of industry in the United States, and in some cases, at least, left the victims 
of the ^l^saster too feeble to call for a receivership. So, if you should ask me to ac- 
count K>r the fact that notwithstanding the shrieks of our political platforms, not- 
withstanding the timidity and hesitation of our statesmen, the American people as 
a whole have gone serenely about their affairs, refusing to become panic stricken by 
the apparently unobstructed advance of the mercenaries upon them, I should explain 
it by their instinctive faith in the government of the world — in those omnipotent en- 
ergies which make for open and even-handed justice among the children of men. 

For, when you come to think of it, in moments of meditative leisure, it would 
seem to be rather singular that the good God who made us and placed 80,000,000 of 
us here together in the greatest market place that has been known in the centuries 
of the world's commerce should have gone off and left us in our weakness to be 
robbed without benefit of clergy, with nothing to lean on except an occasional act of 
Congress or a joint resolution of the State legislature. 

LAW OF ALTERNATIVE CONSUMPTION. 

Let me mention another of these laws more effective than the legislative enact- 
ments of man, which puts a limit to the schemes of monopoly, and that is the law of 
alternative consumption. 

That is a law in obedience to which the market place turns from an article which 
lias become irritating in price to a similar article which answers the same purpose. 
There are few things which men use that can not, in a pinch, be made to give way 
to something equally as good. If, for example, the manufacturing of woolen goods 
should pass into the control of a single corporation — a thing utterly incredible, or at 
least as far as it has been tried, utterly unprofitable — its product of this year would not 
only r find itself in competition with last year's output, but with the aggregate supply 
of all the other textile industries in the country. 

If a lumber trust were possible, combining every one of the 32,000 separate estab- 
lishments which constitute, according to the census, the chief industry of thirty-one 
States of the Union and an important industry in all the rest, including our Territories 
and the islands of the sea, the market place would speedily bring even. such a corporation 
to its terms, not only by putting off until to-morrow what could be done to-day, but 
by turning to the brickyard, the stone quarry, and the other supplies of building mate- 
rial within everybody's reach. 

It is a common observation, verified by universal experience, that an unreasonable 
price not only fatally limits the use of the article, but drives its customers in other 
directions to satisfy their wants. Suppose that the present approach to monopoly 
attained by the American Tin Plate Company could be continued in definitely, that 
institution would still be far short of a command of the market place, except on 
terms dictated by the people who consume its products. There is hardly a demand 
for tin plate which can not be met by the use of something else. So that even in the 
case of ordinary tinware, if the price should begin to respond to the dictation of 
greed, the potter, the glass-blower, the maker of enameled ware, and a score of other 
equally alert craftsmen are at hand at once to offer their sympathy. 

Even the Standard Oil Company, powerful as it has become, is plainly subject to 
the mastery of these forces. 

CHALLENGE OF THE THUST. 

There are few better illustrations than this plate-glass industry of the manifold 
devices of nature to circumvent the best-laid schemes for engrossing the market place, 
for, not satisfied with the situation which had been created through its absorption of 
practically the whole productive capacity of the country, it appears to .have followed 
the hope of gain in new and perilous directions. 



8 

Not content with what appeared to be the undisputed privilege of manufacturing 
all the plate glass made in the country, in a moment of weakness it undertook to invade 
the functions of the merchant by establishing its own selling agencies in all the im- 
portant cities of the country. To do that profitably it was compelled to keep in stock 
the kindred building material which the old jobbers of glass had been accustomed to 
handle, and before they knew it they had aroused the wrath of excitable little cor- 
porations engaged in manufacturing and selling paints, and these responded swi±\ty 
to the challenge of the trust by beginning the construction, at Kane, Pa., at a cost 
of more than a million dollars, of a perfectly equipped plant for manufacturing 
plate glass. . 

Our experience has already advanced to such a stage that we are enabla^kto say 
with some degree of certainty that no industry dealing with those natural resources 
like the harvest of the fields or the mineral riches of the earth, which are everywhere 
distributed throughout the country, can offer a hopeful chance for the operations of 
the trust promoter. That phase of the subject, however, I do not intend to discuss 
until I have advanced a little further into this study of the forces which are at work 
in the market place to bring confusion to the trust movement of the last decade. 

LAW OF COMPETITION. 

I hold it to be true that the law of competition, while it may be made subject to 
reasonable restraints, and possibly ought to be, can not be repealed or permanently 
impeded in its movements by any possible human devices. It is, therefore, my con- 
viction that all or nearly all of these unwieldy creations of the incorporation laws of 
the country would be worn out by the internal resistance of the market place even 
if they represented a legitimate investment of bona fide capital. In that case if they 
survived at all it would only be on account of the efficiency of their administration 
and the equity with which they distributed to the community the economies in pro- 
duction arising from the combination. 

I am not without the sympathy which every sober-minded man feels with those 
business undertakings, numerous in every part of the country, which have been com- 
pelled to consolidate their interests rather than to go en, each destroying the business 
of the other, in the fierce struggle to sell its products, and which, rather than con- 
tinue any longer a death grapple for the trade, with its accompanying wastes and 
disappointments, have united their capital and brought the scattered details of their 
business under one management. In cases more numerous than the public is aware, 
.this process has gone on, giving strength to enterprises that were weak and a new 
lease of life to others which were ready to fail. 

Against such combinations I will not utter a word of condemnation, and I shall 
count myself unfortunate if I have not made plain the distinction between the specu- 
lative trust flotations and these legitimate combinations of capital to more efficiently 
carry on, without the aid of wind or water, the pursuits in which they are engaged. 
Unfortunately, however, for the typical speculative trust enterprise, it exhibits only 
a morbid, and, in many cases, a profligate effort to take away from the people the 
fruits of the world's industrial progress by creating an inflated capitalization which, 
in order to pay any dividend at all, must not only sacrifice the property involved, 
but lay burdens upon the community which no free market place will patiently bear. 
I have examined with some care the history of the organization of industrial trusts, 
such as these now in existence, in every stage of decomposition, and with a few hon- 
orable exceptions they all stand upon a more or less fictitious basis, and very many 
of tliem have been administered with cynical indifference to those principles of sound 
finance which have been for generations treated with respect throughout the world. 

A CORPORATION ONE OF THE CHIEF BLESSINGS OF CIVILIZATION. 

A corporation, very far from being a curse to the world, ought to be one of the 
chief blessings of civilization. I regard the English statute, which first outlined the 
structure of the modern corporation, as an epoch-making step in the progress of 
society. The bank, which represents the union of numerous stockholders and accepts 
on deposit the modest savings of the neighborhood, which would otherwise constitute 
a useless hoard, and puts them to the honorable service of the community, is a benign 
and not a hurtful institution. And so that organization of capital in corporate form 
which, in exchange for its stock, takes the actual money of investors, in sums great or 
small, and applies them to the production of the things which men need, ought not 
to have an unreasonable critic, much less an enemy, in the world. 



We ought not to complain even if it grows with its success until at length, by 
the efficiency of its administration, it attains a commanding influence in the market 
place. The mere fact of its combination with other institutions of like character 
ought not in itself to work a prejudice against it. A single firm in New England, still 
managed by the surviving member of an ordinary partnership, owns more than a 
dozen cotton mills, running more spindles than any corporation in the world. I refer 
to the firm of B. B. & R. Knight, of Providence, R. I., and I refer briefly to the 
history of that firm, given in a work called "The New England States." 

If two boys beginning life as common hands in a cotton mill can acquire and build 
up in their own names such a business as that, without harm to any public interest, 
who shall say that a corporation, with shareholders scattered all over the country, 
could not do the same thing? 

OPPORTUNITIES OF AMERICAN BUSINESS. 

I hope that I can get the attention of the young men of the United States. 
Everywhere I go I find men coming to me asking whether the old opportunities of 
American business are not gone; whether the trusts, the combines, the present indus- 
trial attitude of things have not at last succeeded in shutting the door of oportunity 
in the face of the young people of the United States. And I find hundreds of thou- 
sands of young men grown indolent and heartless in the battle of life because they 
have been told that the doors of opportunity have been at last shut. I have already 
said that I have not finished my meditations on this trust question, but I have got 
far enough in it to see that whatever else is true about it, that is not true. Instead 
of shutting the door of opportunity in the face of the young men of the United States, 
modern industrial methods have multiplied the opportunities of life in a thousand 
different directions. 

Within twenty years every railroad magnate in America will be in his grave. 
Within twenty years every trust manager in the United States will either be on the 
retired list or in a sanitarium somewhere for nervous diseases brought on by draw- 
ing his salary, and panic-stricken boards of directors will be scouring in every direc- 
tion looking for men of training and energy and intellect to take up these great busi- 
ness responsibilities and go forward with the work of the modern world. If I could 
get the ear of the young men of the United States I would say to them that there 
was never a minute in the history of the human race when a man taken by himself 
stood for as much and when a dollar taken by itself stood for as little as it does 
to-day. 

AN EVOLUTION OF BUSINESS. 

The wagon works at South Bend, Ind., date back to a little blacksmith shop on 
the edge of the woods at Ashland, Ohio, where my colleague, the senior Senator from 
Iowa, as a boy used to watch the old father of the Studebaker Brothers working at 
his forge„ shoeing horses, and setting tires on the tumble-down vehicles of that frontier 
village of fifty years ago. 

To-day his children and grandchildren control a corporation with millions of capi- 
tal, occupying 90 acres of land, with 30 substantial buildings, in which thousands of 
well-paid American workmen are turning out carriages fit for the luxury of kings, and 
wagons which are helping to do the work of the whole world in peace and bringing 
up the rear of all its armies in war. That looks to me like an evolution of business, 
and I have sought in vain for somebody to fix the exact point between that little black- 
smith shop yonder on the edge of the woods, at Ashland, and these palaces of modern 
American industry at which the safety of society requires the intervention of the 
politicians. 

CAPITALIZATION OF THE TRUST. 

The union of two or more establishments in one, whether effected by one of them 
buying the other out or by a third absorbing them all would be, so far as the public 
is concerned, a matter of comparative indifference if the obligations left outstanding 
in the process corresponded, in an economic sense, to the combined assets; and the most 
flagrant offense of many existing trust organizations lies in the fact that they have 
appeared in the market place bearing the burden of fictitious liabilities supported by 
an inventory of imaginary property. Comparatively few of them have added any- 
thing to the actual capital which they found invested or made a substantial contribution 
to the working instrumentalities of industry. They have as a rule taken over plants 



10 

already in operation, and in many cases encumbered them in advance so far beyond their 
value as to make the days of the combination few and full of trouble. 

Take for illustration the Corn Products Company, commonly called the glucose 
trust, which in 1902 combined the starch trust with nearly every important glucose 
factory in the country. The entire property involved could have been duplicated in the 
most modern form for less than one-third of the capitalization of the trust. To make 
a dividend on its capital stock and to pay interest upon the bonded indebtedness of the 
constituent companies required earnings so excessive that immediately new companies, 
attracted by the apparent profits of the business, entered the field with improved ma- 
chinery, and the result is thus stated in a recent issue of the Kansas City Journal: 

Instead of the trust being able to undersell and drive them out they were able to 
undersell the trust. A single independent company with a capital of three millions is, 
it is said, grinding one-third as much goods as the trust with its capitalization of 
seventy-six millions. 

We ought to be very slow to believe that we are living in a world where a modest 
investment of actual money will have anything to fear from such stuff as dreams like 
that are made of. Such a situation, whatever the college professors may say, is not 
an evolution of business, it is the lineal successor of South Sea bubbles and Mississippi 
schemes, and this aspect of the case is worth a careful attention because it is a descrip- 
tion of nine out of ten of the lesser combinations and of more than one of the seven 
great industrial trusts. 

Andrew Carnegie did not become the ironmaster of the world by fixing prices and 
Hmiting output in times of depression. He followed the fortunes of the market place 
even though in the last ten years of his business life he had to wade through balance 
sheets fluctuating all the way from three to forty millions of dollars. 

But he had been so busy for thirty years making steel that he had never had 
time to study the art of manufacturing stocks; and if the corporation blanketed by 
his mortgage goes on losing its business for the sake of maintaining prices and starving 
its surplus under the necessity of paying dividends whether they are earned or not, 
it. requires no prophetic foresight to see the miraculous little Scotchman returning in 
his old age to Pittsburg to rescue the imperiled steel properties of the United States. 

These specific infirmities of genesis and of managment would, in my humble opinion, 
gradually drag down the whole structure of the trust system without the aid of any 
act of Congress or the assistance of any political convention even if no outside influ- 
ences were at work to undermine their foundations. But there is an outside influence 
at work, very ancient and not yet obsolete, which has steadily tended to weaken their 
hold upon the market place, which a good many people thought they were about to 
control, and that is the law of competition. 

TARIFF AND THE TRUST. 

It is a favorite Democratic theory that the trusts depend for their life upon the 
effect of the tariff law in mitigating the pressure of foreign competition upon the in- 
dustries which employ our own labor, and that, therefore, free trade in trust-made poods 
would kill the trusts. I confess that I do not see how any man can contemplate such a 
remedy without at least a grave apprehension that disasters may be invited worse than 
the disease. I never hear that simple Democratic panacea for the trusts recommended 
without thinking of the advertising card of a traveling doctor, which I picked up the 
other day in a country hotel. It reads: 

O. P. Vanderman, specialist in rheumatism and neuralgia. A sure cure in its most 
aggravated form. 

I do not deny that free trade may be counted upon with reasonable certainty to 
cripple, if not to destroy, almost any industry which it comes in contact with. The whole 
world seems to understand that, for as we enter upon our Presidential campaign the 
ministers of the English Crown, awakened by the decay of the ancient crafts of the 
Kingdom, are preparing an appeal to the people for a revision of those sacred acts 
of Parliament which in the course of fifty years have left the Empire commercially 
dismembered and the home market itself glutted by the remnant sales of other nations. 

Therefore, even if it could be shown that a trust has absorbed any given field of pro- 
duction, I would not counsel my countrymen to turn that field over to foreign coun- 
tries for the purpose of exterminating that trust, for even if American capita! Ins 
been so managed as to forfeit the consideration of our laws, the employment and wages 



11 

of American labor have still their claim upon the attention and good will of our Gov- 
ernment. 

There is only one sense in which the protective tariff can be held responsible for 
the trusts, and that is, that without the protective tariff there would have been fewer 
industries to combine and therefore fewer combinations. Further than that, the pro- 
tective tariff has created the conditions, that unprecedented circulation of money in 
the hands of the people, without which the trust securities of our times could not 
have been even partly digested. So uniformly has the approach of our tariff law to 
the basis of free trade been accompanied by national poverty that its acceptance now 
might safely be relied upon to induce conditions which would effectually discourage 
the trust movement. 

Seeing, then, that the protective tariff is responsible for the existence of some 
of the industries which have been organized into trusts and at the same time for the 
reintroduction among our people of the general use of money, without which these 
venturesome exploits of modern business would not have attracted the attention of 
either Doctdr Jekyll, the banker, or Mr. Hyde, the capper, is it asking too much of 
the American people that they inquire with some care into that remedy for the abuses 
of the trust system which the protective tariff provides? For while it is true that 
out of the abundance of capital incident to these seven years of plenty the opportunity 
of the trust organizer has arisen, it is also true that this very abundance of capital 
in search of employment, offering itself in the market place where the law of com- 
petition has been fighting for its life, has completely vindicated the whole doctrine 
of protection. 

THE REMEDY OF EREE TRADE. 

Let us contrast for a moment the remedy of free trade with the remedy of pro- 
tection in the case of some well-known American trusts. We may take up for example 
the National Salt Company, and I refer to that particularly because in the present 
session of Congress an absurd effort has been made to repeat the folly of 1894 by 
putting salt on the free list. At that time no salt trust existed in the United States, so 
that the Wilson bill simply expressed the unrestrained animosity of the Democratic party 
against a particular industry. Salt had been protected in the United States for over 
a century at a rate as high as it was then and often at a much higher rate. The in- 
dustry dealt with one of the universal resources of the country, a resource which our 
fathers had sense enough to foster from the first act of the First Congress. 

The difficulty which they had in getting salt to use, on account of disturbed con- 
ditions abroad, was the very thing wliich drew from Mr. Jefferson that manly and 
patriotic message confessing the mistake of his administration in departing from the 
counsel of his contemporaries in dealing with questions of trade, which was quoted 
very eloquently on this floor during the Cuban reciprocity debate by the junior Senator 
from Colorado. It appeared to Jefferson and to everybody who afterwards examined 
the question, whatever his politics, from that time down to the second election of 
Mr. Cleveland, that this industry could not be abandoned without damage to the public 
welfare. It remained for that Congress, dominated by the very men who are now 
inventing reassuring phrases of conservatism and prudence, with which to mask the 
battery of Democratic malice against the protective tariff system, to discover the 
necessity of putting salt on the free list. 

They did it at a time when half the salt works of the country were idle and their 
managers turning frantically in all directions to sell their product in a stricken and 
helpless market place. They were not after the salt trust then; they were pursuing 
the salt industry; and so far as free importation could accomplish that result, they 
turned our market over, its capital and its labor alike, to the only salt trust then existing 
in the world — the British Salt Union, with its principal office in Liverpool— a trust 
which had monopolized the entire salt production of Great Britain. It may be that 
the Congress of 1894 knew more about the subject than all their predecessors and 
all those who have come after them, but I can not recollect anything in connection 
with their achievements that is likely to give currency to that view of their case. 

THE NATIONAL SALT COMPANY, 

commonly called the salt trust, was organized in the spring of 1899, and within a year 
had sufficiently monopolized the salt business of the country east of the Rocky Moun- 
tains to claim in its published reports 94 per cent, of the entire output of evaporated 
salt. It started out with a capital stock of $12,000,000, five millions preferred, seven 



millions common, all of it very dam]?. It had to do business in a market place protected 
by a tariff law which for over a century had operated to invite independent capital to 
embark in the industry; and the question the trust had to face was this: Would its 
size, its pretensions to monopoly, the mere swagger of its intoxicated capital prevent 
others from seeking the profits of that business? 

In a sense the National Salt Company put the protective tariff system on trial. 
Less than five years have passed, but already the theory of protection lias come out 
of that trial perfectly vindicated by the unanswerable finding of the market place. 
The salt industry does not require an exorbitant investment to carry it on with success; 
money sufficient to bore a hole in the ground and buy fuel enough to pump the water 
and heat it is all that is needed to start a salt factory wherever salt deposits are found. 
Is it any wonder, therefore, that the National Salt Company should have been com- 
pelled to add a new department to its business? A purchasing agent, to buy off com- 
petition; a performance so continuous that according to the decree of the court of 
equity that listened to their tale of woe in the State which gave them their charter, 
it reduced them from apparent solvency to unquestionable bankruptcy within a few 
months — liabilities one million five hundred thousand, assets three hundred thousand 
barrels of Wet salt. 

To complete this comedy of mismanagement, we are not surprised to see new 
promoters and new syndicates coming forward to gather up the remains, under the 
high-sounding name of ''International Salt Company," with vague plans and specifica- 
tions for bringing under one control the salt works of Canada, Italy, Spain, and Great 
Britain as well as of our own country. It is astounding that a sane man could be 
found, after the Lord has graciously located a reservoir of salt under the whole earth 
and an ocean of brine all around it, to give countenance to a proposition to supply 
the world with such a necessity of life, under the auspices of an international corpora- 
tion which starts out with a bogus capital of $42,000,000, a large portion of it set 
apart for the profit of an underwriting syndicate, and its visible resources pre-empted 
by an indebtedness of $1.?,000,000, with neither a revision nor a prospect for even 
a preliminary payment of interest. 

If there is room in our market place for a project like that why did the Post- 
Office Department issue a fraud order against the amiable clergyman who boiled a 
bushel of pumpkin seeds and began a profitable business career by advertising that 
while in the Holy Land he had secured a limited number of the seeds of the gourd 
mentioned in Sacred Writ and was willing to distribute them to devout persons at 
a dollar apiece? [Laughter.] 

GLASS INDUSTRY. 

I will refer again, by your permission, to the glass industry, a field of production 
which in the last few years has illustrated at once the facility with which trust com- 
binations could be formed and at the same time the ease with which outside capital 
digs away their foundations and anticipates their final collapse. 

Here is an industry which in all its departments is literally the child of the pro- 
tective tariff. It could not exist at all on the basis of free trade, so that it may be 
admitted that if its products had been put upon the free list all the glass trusts would 
have disappeared, and with them nearly every vestige of the industry in the United 
States. If the tariff was the mother of the glass trusts, it has been a very careless 
and unnatural mother, for its standing invitation to American capital to embark in the 
business has never been withdrawn and has been so generally accepted that every 
effort to keep it in the hands of trusts has already ended in unmistakable failure. 
An honored member of this body, a successful manufacturer of glassware, operating 
a factory once connected with the United States Glass Company, permits me to call 
him as a witness to the swift descent of that institution from the domination of the 
trade to the premonitory symptoms of final dissolution. He managed to get his factory 
out of it in good time,' and has had the satisfaction, as an independent manufacturer, 
of making good profits while the shareholders of the trust have waited in vain for their 
dividends. 

Mr. Scott. They got one the other day, the first since 1891. 

Mr. Doixiveu. I do not begrudge it; since 1901 one dividend. A fate almost equally 
interesting has undertaken the other trusts that undertook to dip into the gl ssware 
business in the United States. 

Notably the National Glass Company, organized in 1899 with nineteen plants. Its 
vital ailment, according to a recent w. »rt of corpulence which pre i 



V5 

the trust from coping \vi!li less top-heavy competition, the same disability that qualifies 
the speed of a fat man in a foot race. And so, after five years, its constituent com- 
panies have fallen hack, not under the anti-trust act but under the law of gravitation, 
to their original form, and the water-soaked millions of its capital have been sorrow- 
fully laid away where they wiH have a chance to dry out. 

AMERICAN WINDOW GLASS COMPANY. 

Exactly the same tragedy has overtaken the American Window Glass Company. 
It capitalized the prospects of twenty-two separate plants in October, 1899, at $17,- 
000,000 and assumed control of ninety per cent, of the total window-glass product of 
the country . It went on the theory apparently, that it could depend upon the size 
of its capital to overawe the market place and gain for it the profits of a self-sufficient 
monopoly. 

'1 he trust took every precaution to strengthen its position. They overlooked only 
one thing, and that is that this is a world that does not allow for any length of time a 
dividend on $17,000,000 for the transaction of a volume of business for which $5,000,- 

000 in cash will furnish equal facilities. If independent investors ever did tremble 
before the trust, they certainly never took counsel of their fears, for within five years 
the business has slipped out of the hands of the American Window Glass Company 
until now instead of making 90 per cent, and conceding to others 10, it makes only 
10 per cent., and has been compelled to concede the other 90 to irreverent outsiders, 
who, under the broad invitation of the protective tariff, have felt free to embark in 
the business. 

I have already alluded to the Pittsburg Plate Glass Company, which totally mo- 
nopolized that product as early as 1895. To-day. they have less than 50 per cent, of 
the productive capacity of the country, and while shortsighted men — some of them, 

1 regret to say, Republicans — have been calling upon Congress to put plate glass 
upon the free list, the Dingley tariff law has called into existence seven well-equipped 
plate glass plants outside the trust and the magnificent new establishment now building 
at Kane, Pa., will make eight. Now I submit that if it is possible, as I have shown, to 
kill the glass trusts and at the same time to keep the industry alive and well, why 
should any man whose head is still doing business on its own account, seek to wipe 
them out by handing over their orders to our friends in Belgium, Germany, Austria, 
France, and England? 

It would be easy if I could properly encroach on the time of the Senate to take 
up one after another the case of more than a score of once hopeful and enthusiastic 
trust combinations and study the behavior of the protective tariff in the fight which 
has been going on in the American market place against every unreasonable restraint 
of trade. 

CONFLICT BETWEEN CAPITAL AND CAPITALIZATION. 

Mr. President, we will quit talking one day about the conflict between capital and 
labor, for we all join in the hope that they are on the way toward a better under- 
standing, even toward a treaty of permanent peace. But there is a conflict in which 
there can be no truce — the conflict between capital and capitalization — the earnings 
and the savings of labor against the coalition of the promoters and the engravers. 
We do not need to call on the old world to take the fight off of our hands. Independent 
American enterprise is equal to the strategy of our commercial defense. 

A victory over the trusts w«m by enlisting the armies of the aliens against them 
is not an American victory. Such a victory would prostrate our market place in 
inconceivable disaster, in the midst of which labor and capital would suffer a common 
affliction. The victory which we seek—the only victory that can be of any value to 
the industrious millions of our people — is the victory of our own capital, fighting 
its battle under the protection of our own laws and snaring the fruits of its achieve- 
ments with our own market place, 

The experience through whijah we are passing has not, of course, been without 
its depressing effect upon business and commerce. But if the prosperity of our peo- 
ple were an artificial thing — if the American market place were not founded upon 
a rock — how could it have stood when these winds blew and these rains descended and 
these floods came? 

The process of stripping the uniform from the militia captains of industry and 
dressing them up in citizens' clothes has not been entirely unattended with incon- 
renience. but looking at the whole country together the reconquest of the market place 



14 

by the reserve corps of American ener gy, that indefinable moral quality Which claims 
the prerogative of signing its own name, has already justified the faith which our 
people from the beginning have had in the industrial system founded by our fathers. 
In its allegiance to that system the Republican party has not faltered for a moment. 
If there were doubts and fears and anxieties while the underwriting syndicates strutted 
their brief day upon the stage of our affairs they are all gone now. 

We approach this Presidential campaign united in the bonds of our historic faith. 
We did not originate it; we inherited it from our fathers. When William McKinley 
died he left it as a rich legacy to us who followed him in the great triumphs of his 
public life. It was not a discovery of his. He got it from Abraham Lincoln, who 
got it from Henry Clay, who got it from Alexander Hamilton, who got it from Ben- 
jamin Franklin; so that our title is clear, our abstract perfect, without lien or in- 
cumbrance, running straight back to the original sources of American common sense. 

WE LOOK FORWARD WITH HOPE TO THE PROGRESS OF OUR COM- 
MERCE. 

If changes are required to bring the tariff law of 1S9T into a more perfect relation 
to the industrial progress of the American people, we propose to make' them our- 
selves, whenever in our judgment the work can be undertaken without doing more 
harm than good; but we shall not consent to any change which surrenders the rights 
of American labor or the advantage which every man who makes a bona fide invest- 
ment of his money in the United States ought to have over his competitors in other 
lands. We look forward with hope to the progress of our commerce from the river 
to the ends of the earth, but we do not forget that the statistics of our foreign trade 
have brought the most encouragement to our people in those exact periods when our 
own producers have been most perfectly guarded against the injurious approach of 
the outside world, and that the law of 1897 for the first time in our history has yielded 
us a favorable balance of our trade in manufactured goods. 

We do not underestimate the value of the foreign market; but knowing how 
small it is, how small it always must be compared to the volume of our domestic 
business, we refuse to bargain that away, or put it in jeopardy for the sake of a 
dim and nebulous prospect of recouping our losses in the markets of the world. 

We follow a leader who has enforced the laws of the land without favor and 
without fear, who has dared to utter the convictions that are in him with absolute 
reliance upon the integrity of his country and the good will of his countrymen. We do 
not know what the vicissitudes of the struggle may be; we do not presume to lift the 
veil of the future; but we are persuaded that the American people will not turn their 
backs upon the national policies for which Theodore Roosevelt stands, nor upon the 
lofty ideals of public duty with which, whatever his political fortunes may be,- his 
name will be associated in the history of the United States. 



15 

APPENDIX. 

[From the Wall Street Journal of Monday, October 20, 1903.] 

*H)S SHRINKAGE IN 100 INDUSTRIALS AMOUNTS TO $1,753,959,790 FROM THE HIGH PRICKS 

OF THE BOOM. 

The leading industrial stocks of the country show a shrinkage of $1,753,959,793 
from the high prices of the boom to the recent low. The market value of 100 industrial 
stocks at the highest price at which each has sold during the past three years was 
$4,090,0-17,450, and at the recent low price it was $2,33G,08T,G57, a loss in market value 
of 43.4* per cent. 

The total capitalization of these stocks is $3,693,410,837. 

We present below a table comprising the highest price at which each of 100 indus- 
trials has sold during the past three years, with the recent low, and showing the total 
shrinkage on each. Not one of the stocks which we have taken show a shrinkage of less 
than $1,000,000. 



A.llls-Chalmers 

Amalgamated 

Agricultural Chemical 

Agricultural Chemical, preferred 

American Bicycle, preferred 

American Can 

American Can, preferred 

American Car and Foundry 

American Car and Foundry, preferred 

American Cotton Oil 

American Cotton Oil, preferred 

Americah Hide and Leather 

American Hide and Leather, preferred 

American Ice 

American Ice, preferred. . 

American Linseed, preferred 

American Locomotive 

American Locomotive, preferred 

American Ma 1 1. pre (erred 

American Shipbuilding 

American Smelting and Refining 

American Smelting and Refining, preferred. 

American Snuff 

American Snuff, preferred 

American Steel Foundry 

American Steel Foundry, preferred 

American Sugar Refinery 

American Sugar, preferred 

American Te'-^graph and Telephone 

American T u , acco, preferred 

American Woolen, offered 

American Writing Paper, preferred 

Anaconda 

Cambria Steel 

Calumet and Hecla 

Colorado Fuel and Iron 

Commercial Cable 

Consolidated Gas 

Consolidated Lake Superior 

Consolidated Lake Superior, preferred 

Continental Tobacco, preferred 

Corn Products 

Corn Products, preferred, 

Crucible Steel 

Diamond M atch 

Dlst. Securities 

Copper Range Consolidated 

Domestic Iron and Steel 

Electric Vehicle 

Electric Vehicle, preferred 

General Electric 

International Merchant Marine 

International Merchant Marine, preferred . . 

International Paper 

International Paper, preferred 

International Power 

International Steam Pump 

International steam Pump, preferred 

Lehigh Coal and Navigation 



Capital 
Stock. 



$20,000,000 
155,000,000 
16,715,600 
17,153,000 

9,294,000 
41,233,300 
41,233,300 
80,000,000 
30,000,000 
20,237,100 
10,198,600 
11,274,100 
12,548,300 
25,000,000 
15,000,000 
16,750,000 
25,000,000 
24,100,000 
14,440,000 

7,600,000 
50,000,000 
50,000,000 
11,001,700 
12,000,000 
15,000,000 
15,500,000 
45,000,000 
45,000,000 
109,685,000 
14,000,000 
20,000,000 

9,500,000 
a30,000,000 
45,000,000 
a2,500.000 
24,000,000 
13,333,300 
73,000,000 
73,961,500 
27,406,500 
46,846,100 
44,869,255 
27,362,750 
25,000,000 
15,000,000 
27,927,777 
28,500,000 
20,000,000 
10,4.50,000 

8,125,000 
41,957,100 
48,000,000 
52,000,000 
17,422,0110 
22,406,700 

5,047,000 
12,262,500 

8,850,000 
615,801,300 



High. 


Low. 


Shrinkage. 


21 


8 


$2,600,000 


130 


33% 


149,381,2.50 


35 


11 


4,011,744 


91 


W/. 


3,731,078 


52 


% 


4,798,080 


i 1 ^ 


b3 


11,751,491 


8034 


28!4 


21,441,316 


17% 


7,200,000 


Vl>4 


9,687,500 


,ffl* 


27% 


6,045,831 


100 


82 


1,835 748 


W* 


2% 


1,268,336 


43% 

49% 


10 


4,203,681 


m 


11,187,500 


W* 


19 


8,925,000 


66 


28 


6,365,000 


36% 
IOO14 


10% 


6,593,7,0 


67% 


732,750 


31% 


15 


2,3S2,60J 


63 


28 


2,660,000 


69 


36% 


16,125,000 


105 


80^ 


12,625,000 


185 


!0 


4,950,76? 


101 


80 


2,520,000 


15 


5 


1,500,000 


70 


48 


3,410,000 


153 


107% 


20,640,000 


130 


116% 


6,240,000 


186 


114% 


78,424,780 


Lbl% 


130 


3,010,000 


82% 


65 


3,550,000 


25% 


10% 


1,436,875 


53 


16 


22,200,000 


29% 


18% 


9,337,500 


860 


430 


43,000,000 


}'& 


25 


26,760 000 


189 


149^ 


5,299,987 


238 


170 


49,640,000 


50 


a 


36,426,039 


80^ 


21,308,554 


12 ^ 


98 


18,921,189 


38% 


22 


7,515,600 


90 


73 


4,652,668 


27% 


5% 


5,687,500 


152% 


129 


3,525,000 


33 


20% 
42j| 


3,770550 


83 


11,756,250 


79% 


7 


14,575,000 


70 


5 


6,792,500 


90 


8 


6,662,506 


195 


189 


28,495,970 


21 


4 


8,160,000 


50 


15 


18.200,000 


28 


10% 


8,070,680 


81% 


60 


4,817,440 


199 


29% 


8,542,048 


57H 


38 


2,973,650 


95 


70 


2,212,500 


79% 


663 


5,298,437 



ltf 



Capital. 
Stock. 



Massachusetts Gas 

M assachusetts Gas, preferred 

M ergenthaler 

National Biscuit 

National Biscuit, preferred 

National Lead 

NatiODal Lead, preferred 

Pennsylvania Steel, preferred 

People' s Gas 

Pittsburg Coal 

Pittsburg Coal, preferred 

Pressed Steel Car 

Pressed Steel Car, preferred 

Republic Iron and Steel 

Republic Iron and Steel, preferred 

Rubber Goods Manufacturing 

Rubber Goods Manufacturing, preferred 

Standard Oil 

Swift & Company 

Tennessee Coal and Iron 

Union Bag and Pa per 

Union Bag and Paper, preferred, 

Union Typewriter 

Union Bag Bd and P, preferred 

United Pruit 

Un. Gas Imp 

Ua. Shoe Mach 

U. S. Leather. 

U. S. Leather Realty, preferred 

U S.Realty&C 

U. S. Realty & C, preferred 

U. S. Rubber. 

U. S. Rubber, preferred 

United States steel 

U nited States Sieel, preferred 

Virginia Car Chemical 

Virginia Car Chemical, preferred 

Western Telegraph and Telephone 

Western Telegraph and Telephone, preferred 

Western Union 

Westiughouse 



$15,000,000 
15,000,000 
10,000,000 
29,2-36,000 
23,825,100 
14,905,400 
14,904,000 
16,500,000 
82,969,100 
32,000,000 
29*701,200 
12,500,000 
12,500,000 
27,191,000 
20,356,900 
16,941,700 
8,051,400 
97,500,000 
25,000,000 
22,801,600 
16,000,000 
11,000,000 
10,000,000 
11,418,000 
12,369,500 
628,125,000 
al0,720,300 
62,882,300 
62,282,300 
83,198,000 
27,011,100 
28,666,000 
23,525,500 
508,495,200 
480,000,000 
27,^84,400 
12,000,000 
16,000,000 
16,000,000 
97,340,504 
14,016,551 



High. 


Low. 


mi 

84^ 


31 

7->% 


190 


170 


58*4 


32 


109% 


94 


32 


n% 


106% 


75 


105 


648 


111% 

35% 


89 


21 


99i4 


67% 


6514 


28 


96% 


67 


27$ 

83*| 
38k 


7% 
54% 


189| 


90 


70 


830 


580 


177% 


IOO14 


104 


26% 


25 


iH 


85 


65 


132 


93 


71 


18 


137 


93 


126 


1 1 


57% 


'38% 


19 


71% 
35)1 


96% 


32 


75% 


44 


7% 


104% 


3a 


55 


12% 
5714 


101 % 


76% 
134% 


17% 
90 


■ 33'^ 
106% 


10 


71 


IOO14 


80% 


233 


130 



Shrinkage. 



81,706,250 
1,331,250 
2,000,000 
6,312,639 
8,692,913 
1,565,067 
4,694,760 
9,405,000 
7,418,048 
4,520,000 
9,430,131 
4,656,250 
8,6s7,500 
5,506,174 
5,878,058 
4,150,717 
1,610,280 
243,750,000 

19;S12,500 

17.728,244 
3,440.000 
2,200,000 
3,900,000 
6,051,540 
5,442,580 

27,562,500 
7,933,022 
7,761,685 

15,726,2M 
8,879,715 

10,804,440 
8,578,925 

16,409,037 
216,110,460 
191,900,000 

16,475,819 
5,385,000 
8,760,000 
5,680,000 

19,224,750 

14,437,048 



a $25 par. 



6 $50 par. 



In United States Steel preferred we have allowed for the amount converted into 
bonds. We have not included the $10,000,000 each of common and preferred issued by 
the Massachusetts Gas companies last January. We have taken one-half of the shrink- 
age of Anaconda, as Amalgamated holds one-half of the Anaconda stock, and the 
shrinkage of that appears in the figures for Amalgamated. 

The shrinkage in Colorado Fuel and Iron, Calumet and Hecla, Anaconda, Inter- 
national Power, Standard Oil, and Westinghouse is in each case more than the par 
value of the capital stock, and 111 Amalgamated and United Gas Improvement nearly 
equal to it. 

The $20,000,000 preferred and $25,000,000 common of United States Shipbuilding 
are not included owing to the fact that there has never been any market for them. 

It has been estimated that the capitalization of the industrial corporations of the 
United States, aside from the gas and electric companies, is $8,000,000,000. All of 
these nave sustained some shrinkage, but the percentage would probably not be as large 
on the whole number as it is an tho se we have taken above, because the stocks we have 
not included are iargeh inactive, more closely held, and less subject to general market 
influences. 



No. 7. 

"Out of the ruins of that time we have built up the shining edifice of 
prosperity and 'scattered laughter with a spendthrift hand.' And yet nothing 
has happened — nothing but a Republican Administration." 




OF 



Hon. EDWARD L. HAMILTON 



OF MICHIGAN 



IN THE 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
Thursday, April 14, 1904 



SPEECH OF 

HON. EDWARD L. HAMILTON 

OF MICHIGAN 

By our last national census we have moved our center of population a little nearer 
Columbus, Ind., and incidentally increased the numerical size of Congress. 

By that census it appears that within twenty years, from 1880 to 1900, our national 
wealth was increased from forty-two to ninety-four billion dollars, our wealth per capita 
from $850 to $1,236, the value of our farms and farm property from twelve to twenty 
and a half billion dollars, the number of our factories from 253,000 to 513,000, while 
our public debt has been decreased one-fourth, notwithstanding the expenses of our 
war with Spain. 

These figures are not the rosy recitation of partisan optimism, but are the cold 
appraisement of adding machines operating under civil-service rules. 

What these figures do* not show, however, is that apparently the more prosperous 
we are the more trouble we are having among ourselves about the proceeds of our pros- 
perity. This trouble is not a mere surface manifestation, but profoundly affects our 
national life, inasmuch as it involves the ability of man to govern himself in a state 
of organized society 

We separated from England and have ever since been doing business on the theory 
which we have not always practiced, that governments derive their just powers from the 
consent of the governed. 

Forced by the law of industrial evolution, railroads, steamships, telegraphs, tele- 
phones, farms, and factories — all the means of communication, transmutation, pro- 
duction, and exchange are being geared together into one stupendous engine, which is 
also geared to political policies, and going about, in it, of it, and a part of it, are the 
human intelligences which run it and are run by it. 

If labor complains that capital has set pace makers for it in its factories, still 
it is true that both labor and capital have set pace makers for themselves in the un- 
resting march of a hurrying civilization, the up grade or the down grade of which 
depends upon their own wisdom and self-restraint. 

THE LEAN AND THE FAT YEARS. 

For seven years, under the Administrations of William McKinley and Theodore 
Roosevelt, labor and capital have been prosperous, with practically no interruption 
except the interruptions of their mutual differences. 

Eight years ago the Republican party marshaled its hosts in the shadow of indus- 
trial depression — in the shadow of closed factories and suspended banks. 

We were running in debt then at every tick of the clock, accumulating an overdraft 
in our Treasury, fed by selling bonds and drained by an endless chain, recruiting 
Coxey's army and reading Coin's Financial School. 

The years were lean and the earth was lean, and lean-faced men as night came on 
came out of their hiding places in the alleys of depression and lifted up strange voices 
on the curb and in the deserted market places, preaching the doctrine of discontent 
and "larding the lean earth" with promises of things to be gained by depreciated money 
and national dishonesty. [Applause on the Republican side.] 

Then no man trusted his neighbor if he could help it. A man with a dollar ahead 
refused to loan money to his neighbor on a first mortgage because, first, he was afraid 
of being called a plutocrat; second, because he was afraid his neighbor would pay him 
in depreciated money, and, third, because he was afraid his security would vanish 
away. 



3 

Out of the ruins of that time we have huMt up the shining edifice of prosperity 
and •' cattered laughter with a spendthrift hand." And yet nothing has happened — 
nothing but a Republican Administration. 

There is something about the Republican party that sends things up above par, 
and something about the Opposition that sends things down below par-. Above par 
is sunlight, summer, hope, and plenty. Above par is the firelight dancing on the walls 
of contentment to the song of the kettle singing on the hearth of Plenty. Below par 
Hunger and Want and Bankruptcy sit brooding by dead ashes, while the candle of 
life gutters down to the shape of a winding sheet. [Applause on the Republican side.] 

It is possible to go below par again. A very little ballot in the hands of a very 
small majority will do it. 

Now, from the offices of stock jobbery to the heights of political economy, it is 
everywhere apparent that we are prosperous. 

APPORTIONING THE CREDIT. 

Gentlemen on the other side express divergent views as to the^-ause of it. 

Some deny it in the midst of it, with the proceeds of it on their persons. 

Some say it is just the natural reaction from hard times to good times, but it is a 
singular coincidence that we always have a reaction from hard times to good times 
when the Republican party goes into power. 

Some, while drawing rations from the Republican commissary of prosperity, con- 
cede it, profit by it, and criticise its quality; and some, more modest than yEsop's fly on 
the wheel, say they did it themselves indirectly. 

I have noticed that geese always bow their heads when entering a barn door, having 
an erroneous impression as to their own height. [Applause.] 

Of course, if they have done it at all they have done it indirectly, and if they have 
done it indirectly while out of office it is more than they have done directly while in 
office, and this suggests an admirable arrangement for the future which ought to 
appeal to the patriotism of our friends whereby they may continue to cooperate in- 
definitely, indirectly externally for the prosperity of our country. [Applause on the 
Republican side.] 

Some say, however, that our prosperity is only "apparent prosperity." If this be 
true, then our average annual balance of trade for the last three years of 9513,000,000 
is only an apparent balance of trade, and the deposit of $2,935,204,845 in the savings 
banks of our country, for the most part deposited by labor— an increase of $185,027,- 
555 over a year ago — is only an apparent savings deposit, and the $3,000,000,000 pay 
roll of 6,000,000 people employed in 513,000 factories, having an annual output of 
§13,000,000,000 is the "insubstantial pageant*' of an optimistic dream. [Applause on the 
Republican side.] 

UNREST. 

Our prosperity is real enough, but running like a ground discord through the hum 
of our industry there has been and is an undertone of discontent which breaks out here 
and there in strikes, violence, and mutual recrimination between labor and capital, to 
their injury and the injury of our whole population. 

National unrest does not necessarily mean national injury, but rather the contrary. 

The history of every progressive nation is the history of progressive unrest. 

No civilization can be said to be at rest unless it be a stagnant civilization. 

In our own case unprecedented prosperity has forced employers into active com- 
petition for labor to keep their plants running, and labor, keenly alive to its oppor- 
tunity, has been pushing for a larger share of the profit it helps to make. 

Of course, ideally speaking, labor ought to recognize the limitations of capital 
and capital ought to recognize the rights of labor, and there ought to be mutual un- 
derstanding and mutual forbearance, but there is not — the millennium has not yet 
arrired, and this results in union against union, boycott against boycott, injunction 
against injunction, while outside the lines of organized labor and organized capital 
is the great body of American consumers, of whom both labor and capital are also 
parts, which is vitally interested in all that affects them and in the long run pays 
the bills. 

Having to par the bills, the consumer feels an interest in how the money is spent, 



TRANSITION. 

The latest form of capital is the so-called trust, and the latest form of labor is 
the national and international labor union, and the present situation is the latest phase 
in America of a long controversy whereby both labor and capital have reluctantly at 
times advanced to higher humanitarianism. 

Gentlemen say we are in a transition period, but humanity has always been in 
transition ever since some primeval man opened his cave factory for the making of 
chipped flints and hand-made pottery, which he exchanged with his neighbors for what 
thev killed in the chase. 



NO MORE NEW WORLDS. 

The surface of things changes, but human nature continues to do business under 
the crust. 

Probably speculation is no more adventurous and monopoly no mere grasping now 
than in the days of fohn Law and the Mississippi bubble, but they average bigger and 
it is harder to get away from them. 

There are no more undiscovered countries, no more lands of crusade, pilgrimage, 
or mystery. 

Science finds an El Dorado now in some abandoned dump of yesterday. 

We have pushed our frontier, which used to be at the doors of a few rough settle- 
ments, gnawing indentations along the Atlantic seaboard wilderness, around the world 
to the doors of the oldest civilization. 

The byways run to the highways, the highways run to the railways, and the rail- 
ways run to the sea, which unites the nations which it divides. 

We run cog roads up to the altitude of eternal snows, where the stillness of ages 
is broken by the patronizing chatter of tourists on their way around the world in eighty 
days. 

We sink our mining shafts a mile underground, and wherever we go we find ad- 
vertised some enterprising, machine-made thing to remind us that we live in a world 
of business and indigestion. [Laughter and applause.] 

FROM INDIVIDUALISM TO CENTRALIZATION. 

Men used to feel that when they got tired working for some one else for board 
and clothes they could go West, settle on a quarter section of land somewhere, and 
grow up with the country. Whatever else we lacked, we had plenty of land. 

Down to fifty years ago we were largely producers of raw material. On the farm 
in the West the "hired man" generally became a landowner. 

Outside the more thickly settled centers the chief artisans were millers, black- 
smiths, carpenters, and cobblers, while art and the professions were represented by 
the village fiddler, the parson, the doctor, and an occasional lawyer. 

There were log rollings, barn raisings, corn huskings, and quilting bees, and people 
were gauged by what they were more than by what they owned. 

Then railroads came along, built by the grant of alternate sections of land, and 
social distinctions began to creep in, expressed in terms of money. 

Men moved into new houses out of old ones built by their neighbors in the earlier 
days of mutual helpfulness. 

In the graveyard some people's tombstones began to be better than others, while 
down at the grocery some folks began to talk about the money power. 

Towns grew cities where increased transportation fostered increased centralization, 
culminating in department stores. 

DEMAND AND SUPPLY OF VARIOUS KINDS OF TALENT. 

We have arranged it so that a clever writer draws a salary of $40,000 a year, and 
a jockey who can steer a horse first down the stretch draws $40,000 in a season and 
becomes an international figure, and a pugilist of brawn, a graceful dancer, a melo- 
dious singer, or an actress with a past can capitalize a solar-plexus blow, a song, a 
dance, or a sex problem play into the price of a 40-acre farm every night. [Applause.] 



Of course we are not producing many Hawthornes, Emersons, Longfellows, Mot- 
leys, and Prescotts nowadays, but we are producing such men as Fiske, Parkman, 
McMaster, and Kdison, who are greater in their way than any who have gone before; 
and we are producing American journalism .which is the most enterprising, energetic, 
arid extraordinary thing ever evolved out of type, and we are producing some tons 
of historic novels; and from all the strands of humor, pathos, comedy, and tragedy 
spun by this "roaring loom of time" some master hand shall some day gather up and 
weave together the world's greatest literary production. 

ORGANIZED LABOR AND BROADER HUMANITARIANISM. 

When our fathers wrote, "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men 
were created equal; that they were endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable 
rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure 
these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from 
the consent of the governed," they theorized splendidly, but it remained for genera- 
tions some years removed to put their theories into practice. 

For a long time the government which they organized distrusted democracy and 
derived its powers from the rich and the well-to-do; and the poor man, the "redemp- 
tioner," and the slave were governed without their consent in a government which 
denied them liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and treated their "unalienable rights" 
as "rubbish in the meeting of the winds." 

In the first quarter of the nineteenth century there were few or no American 
labor organizations, and the thousands of railroads, and factories run by great cor- 
porations, which now employ five times as many men and women as lived in the col- 
onies when we became a nation, are creations of our own time. 

As industries began to centralize, business became more and more wholesale, im- 
personal and mechanical. 

Federated plants began to be managed by salaried intermediaries who were re- 
quired to produce the highest possible results at the lowest possible expense and 
personal relations between employers and employes began to disappear. 

About 1825 labor began to be more conscious of itself as a distinct entity, and 
labor unions began to be formed. 

Local unions increased in number and gradually, as means of transportation 
and communication increased labor began to organize itself into national unions and 
to think of political action as a means of social betterment. 

There were strikes, a Labor party, a Preform party, an Antimonopoly party, 
indictments of trade unions for conspiracy,, and fights between union and non-union 
men as early as the decade between 1830 and 1840. 

In those days the laboring man rightly wanted shorter days and better pay, and 
he wanted his pay in good money at stated intervals instead of now and then at the 
option of his employer, and he wanted a lien for his pay on the products of his work. 

He works eight and ten hours now instead of twelve and fifteen then. He gets 
his pay in good money now, although he came near lapsing into bad money in 1896, 
and labor laws are framed for his protection. 

These rational demands, though regarded as revolutionary then, are rights which 
the humblest of us take as a matter of course now. 

He wanted a better educational system then, the right to vote without property 
qualification, and the repeal of laws providing imprisonment for debt. 

Then "no crime known to the law brought so many to the jails and prisons as the 
crime of debt." 

If a laborer was taken sick or fell from a scaffold and suffered an injury, he 
was liable to be arrested in the first stages of his convalescence and sent to jail for 
the expenses of his sickness. 

To be sent to prison then was to be sent to pits and dungeons which were semin- 
aries of vice and centers of disease, where "prostitutes plied their calling openly in 
the presence of men and women guilty of no crime but inability to pay their debts," 
and where "the treadmill was always going, the pillory and the stocks were never 
empty, the shears, the branding iron, and the lash were never idle for a day." 

As late as 1829 it is estimated that Massachusetts had 3,000 persons imprisoned 
for debt, Maryland 3.000, New York 10,000, and Pennsylvania 7,000, many of them 
for debts lower than $1. 



Now, the ballot in the hands of an American citizen is a share of stock without 
property qualification in a Government winch has "expended fabulous sums in th** 
erection of reformatories, asylums, penitentiaries, houses of correction, houses of ref- 
uge, and houses of detention ail over the land; which has furnished every State prison 
with a library, with a hospital, with workshops, and with schools," and the American 
school is the best school on earth, and the American flag- floating over it is the best flag 
on earth, and if any man born on foreign soil is disposed to deny this, why did i.e 
come here? [Loud applause.] 

CHILD LABOR AND SWEAT SHOPS. 

But in the eternal ferment of forces, which we call evolution, there are no stopping 
places. There are relay stations, but no stopping places. 

Notwithstanding the fact that we have the best common school system in tne 
world, and not withstanding the fact that "the children of a nation are its greatest 
undeveloped resource," it appears that in the United States in the year 1900 there 
were 1,752,187 children between the ages of 10 and 15 years employed in so-called 
"gainful occupations." 

The starting of little boys and girls upon the eternal treadmill of work at the 
age when they ought to be started to school, and working them not only days but 
nights during the few short years when, if ever humanity ought to be free from care; 
the turning of the natural joy of childhood into the premature gravity of age; the 
coining of the dwarfed bodies of little children into dollars and cents, is a crime 
without extenuation, out of joint with an age which has organized compassion for 
"a galled horse or a dog run over at a street crossing." [Applause.] 

Then, too, notwithstanding the fact that humanitarianism is reforming prisons, 
unreformed humanity is keeping them full. 

And notwithstanding the fact that we have reformed reformatories, lighted dark 
places, and drained low places in society generally, there are still a good many places, 
high and low, to be lighted, drained, and ventilated, and among them are sweat shops, 
where things are made cheap in an unventilated atmosphere of cheapness until fabrics 
wrought by the fingers of squalor transmit the very microbes of diseased cheapness. 
[Appiause.] 

But these reforms are under way, and they are only parts of a profound re- 
organization of society which is steadily going on, of which the so-called labor move- 
ment is a part. 

Granted that some labor unions have misunderstood and misused the nobler pur- 
poses of their organization; granted that the labor movement, like other movements, 
lias in it a certain percentage of demagogues, who are in it for what they can get 
out of it; granted that there are blackmailing walking delegates, who are false to 
their unions and paid tools of corporate combines for the suppression of rivals; 
still the labor movement, in its broad intent and wide significance, has been and is 
the organized struggle of the great mass of humanity for better conditions. 

This struggle of labor, however has not been the struggle of labor alone. At 
every step it has had the cooperation of broad-minded men, without regard to wealth 
or occupation, and if at any time in any movement it shall find itself deprived of 
such cooperation it may well doubt the propriety of such movement. 



LABOR IN ITS RELATION TO PROTECTION. 

If there is any one idea to which a majority of these elements attach them- 
selves now that they have ceased to rally round "the free and unlimited coinage of 
silver and gold at the ratio of 16 to 1 without the aid or consent of any other na- 
tion on earth," it is that protection is wrong. 

For years the Republican party has materialized in practice the profound truth 
lately expressed by Mr. Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, 
at Boston, that "no industry, no country, has ever become great or ever can be- 
come great, founded on the poverty of its workers." [Applause on the Republican 
side.'; 



In its policy of protection to American labor and American industries one of 
the strongest arguments of the Republican party has always been the labor argument. 

That is, firat, if a foreign-made commodity can be laid down in American markets 
cheaper than a homemade commodity by reason of cheaper wages abroad, then we 
ought to maintain a tariff to equalize labor conditions here and abroad and protect 
American labor. 

Second. If by protection we can produce a commodity which we are not pro- 
ducing, we ought to maintain a tariff to create and foster the production of that com- 
modity. 

Third. That behind protection existing industries have been multiplied and new 
industries have been created which, by competition among themselves have reduced 
the price of commodities even below the tariff imposed, so that from the vantage ground 
of a protected market we are not only supplying our home market, but are shipping 
a surplus abroad, whereby we have sustained the wages of labor at home, multiplied 
employment, stimulated invention, increased the purchasing power of every Ameri- 
( an, given the American farmer a constantly increasing market at his door, and made 
the American man the best all-round man that walks the earth to-day. [Applause on 
the Republican side.] 

PROTECTION AND PROSPERITY. 

The history of protection is a history of prosperity. The history of free trade 
or approximate free trade is a history of depression. 

The first tariff act was reported to the first Congress of the United States by 
James Madison, construed and upheld by the framers of the Constitution, and signed 
by George Washington July 4, 1789. 

It was increased by twelve separate enactments down to the war of 1812, when 
it was doubled. 

From 1816 to 1824 there was depression of tariff, depression of trade, and hard 
times, relieved by the tariff of 1824, which was raised by the tariff of 1828. 

Clay's compromise ten-year sliding-scale tariff of 1833 slid into the panic of 1831*; 
but conditions were repaired by the tariff of 1842. 

In 1846 we had the Walker free-trade tariff, but disaster was averted by the 
war with Mexico, putting large sums in circulation, famine in Ireland calling for large 
shipments, the finding of gold in California, the Crimean war, revolution in Europe, 
and by reflex action prosperity here, until at last prosperity from accident ceased and 
we fell into the panic of 1857. 

Since 1861 we have had protection, except during the period of panic under the 
Wilson-Gorman law, from 1893 to 1397, when we had something else. 

In the presence of this history the banana, theory of the gentleman from Missis- 
sippi is the most irresistible thing in the way of logic since Thompson's colt swam 
the river to drink. 

And his definition of protection as "a system of taxation whereby labor and 
capital are deflected from naturally profitable pursuits into channels of naturally un- 
profitable pursuits," stands refuted by a mere recial of industrial history, whereby 
it appears that not only have labor and capital not been "deflected" from "naturally 
profitable pursuits," but have availed themselves of all "naturally profitable pursuits," 
and in addition thereto, under protection, have turned unprofitable pursuits into 
profitable pursuits, to their mutual advantage and the advantage of our whole popu- 
lation. 

From the first tariff law down to now, when, with the railroads of the Uuited 
States we could put a girdle around the globe at the equator, have enough left to 
parallel the railroads of Europe, and keep their tracks hot with the traffic of our 
prosperity, there has never been a time when American capital and American labor 
have been "deflected" from any profitable pursuit, except when the Democratic party 
has been in pewer. [Applause on the Republican side.] 

Mr. Chamberlain, of England, has also recently described protection. In his Glas- 
gow speech, October 6 last he says: 

"Now what is the history of protection? First, there is tariff and no industries. 
Then gradually primary industries for which the country has natural facilities grow 



up behind the tariff wall. Then secondary industries spring up; first of necessaries, 
then of luxuries, until at iast all the ground is covered." 

I put this description over against that of the gentleman from Mississippi. 

"First the blade, then the ear, after that the full corn in the ear." 

PROTECTION AND MANHOOD. 

In this connection Mr. Chamberlain further said: 

The vast majority of the workmen in the colonies are protectionists, and I am 
disinclined to accept the easy explanation that they are all fools. 

In its policy of protection to American labor and American industries the Re- 
publican party has always held the quality of American manhood above the 
cost of a fabric, and in the long run this policy has not only dignified American labor, 
but has reduced the cost of commodities to the point where the humblest artisan of 
to-day can commonly have the things which the wealth of kings could not command 
a few years ago. Not only that, bub this policy has put money into the pockets of 
labor with which to buy these things. [Applause.] 

Not only that, but the capitalist of to-day was a laborer yesterday. Here under 
the Stars and Stripes, a boy may dream of a future and realize it sometime, and a 
lowly start in life only lends lustre to an honorable career, except among a certain 
self-selected set, who sit around under genealogical trees suffering from dry rot. 

America has gained its place in the commerce of the world largely because of 
the intelligence of American workmen, working under protection unrestrained by ru!e> 
limiting his energy and ambition. 

In this explanation foreigners themselves concur. 

In the fall of 1902 the Moseley commission of British experts, representing twenty- 
one trades, came here to investigate industrial conditions, and among other things they 
reported: 

# First. That American boys are better educated than English boys. 

Second. That the American workingman has better habits and is better housed, 
clothed, and fed than the English workingman. 

Third. That American factories are better equipped with better machinery, with 
which American workingmen can do more and better work. 

Fourth. That the American workingman works more hours a day, gets the bene- 
fit of all he can do at piecework, welcomes new machinery as a rule, and is encouraged 
and rewarded for invention. 

PLUTOCRACY. 

Because the Republican party is the party of protection and three square meals 
a day, gentlemen on the other side have allowed themselves to get into the habit of 
calling us the "party of plutocracy," and they have decorated some of our leaders 
with dollar marks, amd horns, and hoofs, and a smell of sulphur. 

There is a good deal of political hypocrisy about this custom of yours. 

So far as 1 have been able to observe, acquisitiveness is just about as acquisitive 
in the Democratic party as it is in the Republican party. 

If there is really any impropriety in prosperity, and any of you are hard enough 
up to cast the first stone, there are several shining marks in your own party from whom 
.-lccording to the testimony of some of your leaders who have lately turned Slates 
evidence, you have actually collected campaign funds. [Laughter.] 

It does not necessarily follow, it seems to me, that because Dives went to hell 
everybody who is well off must go to hell; and it does not necessarily follow that be- 
cause Lazarus went to Abraham's bosom all poverty will congregate in Abraham's 
oosom; and it does not necessarily follow that any political party will be exclusively 
represented in either place. 

John Mitchell told the truth to the miners at Pittsburg, Kansas, when he said: 

None of us is poor because he wants to be. There is not one of us but would be 
willing to accumulate wealth and become a capitalist if he could do so honorably. 



And so far as the gentlemen on the other side are concerned, I haven't the slightest 
doubt that if they actually believed what they talk — that to be a Republican is to have 
the Midas touch — there wouldn't be a man left in the Democratic party in twenty- four 
hours. [Laughter.] 

TRUSTS. 

Another thing, you gentlemen charge the Republican party with being the party 
of trusts, and you say that more trusts were organized under the Administrations of 
William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt than ever before in the history of our 
government, and you say that trusts so organized are protected under the Republican 
policy of protection, and that trusts so organized are selling their goods cheaper abroad 
than at home. 

The only trouble with this is that two-thirds of it is not true, and the rest is incorrect. 
[Laughter.] 

No trusts were organized under the Administration of William McKinley or 
Theodore Roosevelt, and no trusts have ever been organized under any other Federal 
Administration, and there has never been any Federal law under which any trust could 
be organized. 

The word "trust" in its original commercial application was used to define an 
arrangement among stockholders of various corporations whereby shares of stock were 
assigned to trustees, who issued trust certificates in lieu 'thereof and apportioned divi- 
dends and losses thereon. 

But trusts so organized were never incorporated, but were driven from their trust 
formation by statutes and court decisions and forced to take refuge by incorporation 
under the laws of various States which have statutes especially framed to invite their 
formation. 

These corporations so formed are generally composed of several merged industries, 
the merger being effected by the organization of a corporation and the conveyance 
to the corporation so organized of the real and personal property of the merged indus- 
tries and the issue of stock thereon. 

They may have their offices where they please and their factories where they please, 
and by virtue of "State comity" trade all over the rest of the Union, subject to the 
regulations of the various States, which are themselves in turn restrained by the four- 
teenth amendment and subject to the power of Congress to regulate commerce among 
the States. 

When the Constitution was adopted, "the powers not delegated to the Federal Gov- 
ernment by the Constitution or prohibited by it to the States" were reserved to the 
States or the people. These are the so-calld reserved rights of States. 

By the Constitution Congress is given power to regulate commerce "among the 
several States," not "in" the several States. Therefore Congress must stop short at 
State boundaries in the regulation of commerce and can not reach over and interfere 
with the so-called reserved rights of States, except that while it is true that Congress 
may not regulate and control the organization and internal management of corpora- 
tions organized under the laws of States, still, as was lately held in the Northern Se- 
curities Company case, "every corporation created by a State is necessarily subject to 
the supreme law of the land" — that is, the Constitution and laws passed by Congress 
pursuant thereto — and can not interfere with the free course of trade and commerce 
among the States. 

At the first session of the Fifty-sixth Congress we tried to submit a resolution to 
the people providing for an amendment to the Constitution permitting the Federal 
Government to follow, regulate, and control corporations generally, but it takes tw,o- 
thirds of Congress to do that, our Democratic friends refused to vote for it, and it 
failed. 

Failing in that, in the second session of the Fifty-seventh Congress we passed (1) 
a law providing for a Department of Commerce and Labor, with a Commissioner of 
Corporations charged with the supervision of corporations engaged in interstate com- 
merce, also providing for corporate publicity. 

(2) Inasmuch as it is no use to manufacture if you can not get your product to 
the consumer, and inasmuch as it had been for some time the cause of just complaint 
that railroad companies, endowed with the power of eminent domain, whose duty it is to 
serve the public impartially, had been giving preferential freight rates to preferred 
shippers, whereby shippers so preferred were strengthened into monopolies, arbitrarily 



10 

fixing prices to buyers and sellers and driving competitors out of business, we passed 
the anti-rebate law, which prohibits under penalty the giving, demanding, or receiving 
of preferences and provides the preventive remedy of injunction. 

(3) We also passed a law to "expedite the hearing and determination of suits in 
equity" under the anti-trust law, and under this law to expedite hearings the North- 
ern Securities case "came on to be heard." 

The only anti-trust law on the Federal statute books bears the name of a Repub- 
lican Senator. The law creating an Interstate Commerce Commission bears the name 
of another Republican Senator and all the law is being enforced by a Republican 
President. 

REMOVAL OF TARIFF NOT THE REMEDY FOR TRUSTS. 

But gentlemen insist that trusts are fostered under the policy of protection and 
that the way to remove trusts is to remove the tariff. 

It is not true that trusts are fostered by protection except in the sense that pro- 
tection makes good times, and when times are good they are good for everybody. If 
it be true that when times are good they are good for everybody, the converse must 
be true, that when times are bad they are bad for everybody, and if to discipline trusts 
it is necessary to make times bad for everybody, it is not unlikely that those least able 
to bear it would suffer most. ' 

Laying aside the fact that trusts are organized under English free trade as well 
as German, Austrian, and American protection, it is susceptible of absolute demon- 
stration that American free trade would operate in the interest of trusts and against 
the interest of American labor. 

It appears by the Twelfth Census that only 12.8 per cent, of the total manufac- 
tured output of the United States is made by trusts; that only 8.13 per cent, of the 
food supply of the United States is controlled by trusts, and that only 7.5 per cent, 
of the labor employed in manufacturing is employed by trusts, and the word "trust" 
as here employed is used to mean all corporations organized in recent years. Since 
the taking of the last census, however, it appears that the capitalization of combina- 
tions which culminated in the year 1901 is rapidly falling off. 

Now if it is true that only 12.8 per cent, of the manufactured output of the United 
States is trust made, then the remaining 87.2 per cent, is made by competing independent 
industries. 

And if it be true that only 7.5 per cent, of the labor employed in manufacturing 
industries is employed by trusts, then the remaining 92.5 per cent, of labor employed 
in manufacturing is employed by competing, independent industries. [Applause on the 
Republican side.] 

Therefore, if you remove the duty from the 12.8 per cent, of trust-made products 
you remove it from the remaining 87.2 per cent, of products made by competing, in- 
dependent industries employing 92.5 per cent, of all the labor employed in manufac- 
turing industries in the United States; and inasmuch as the weak would probably go 
to the wall first, trusts which would then be given the benefit of free raw material 
would remain ana not only dictate terms to labor, which would then be seeking em- 
ployment in a crowded labor market, but would dictate terms to consumers, provided 
they themselves were able to survive competition with the trusts of Europe. 

This would at least be a temporary solution of the labor and capital controversy, 
but it would be like making a desert and calling it peace. 



RECIPROCITY. 

• 

When the golden rule becomes international law and other nations open their 
markets to us without duty; when other nations come up to our standard, not when 
we go down to theirs — then will be time enough for us to think about opening our ports 
to other nations without duty; not till then. 

That would be the reciprocity of international free trade. 

But, obviously, free trade, which gives away our markets in advance and leaves 
us nothing to exchange, is not reciprocity. 

In his last speech, at Buffaid, which is to be read and construed in connection with 
his whole political career, William McKinlcy said: 



11 

Reciprocity treaties are in harmony with the spirit of the times. If some of our 
tariffs are no longer needed for revenue or to encourage and protect our industries at 
home, why should they not be employed to extend and promote our markets abroad? 

Certainly; why not? "If some of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue or 
to encourage and protect our industries at home," why not? 

The Blaine theory of reciprocity was reciprocity in things the like of which we 
do not grow or produce. 

Reciprocity is an exchange of markets. Neither men nor nations trade things or 
markets without the hope of gain by the exchange. 

When men trade horses they do not knowingly' trade clean limbs for spavins, and 
sensible nations do- not trade markets to the disadvantage of their own people. ' 

The American market belongs to American capital and American labor, American 
producers and American consumers, American buyers and American sellers; and a 
government of all the people has no right to displace American industries, giving em- 
ployment to American capital and American labor, furnishing markets for American 
farmers, and building up American homes, and substitute therefor foreign industries, 
employing foreign labor and foreign capital and withdrawing American capital from 
the channels of American trade. 

Therefore William McKinley said, in his Buffalo speech: 

By sensible trade arrangements which will not interrupt our home production we 
shall extend the outlets of our increasing surplus. 

And therefore the Republican party said in its national platform of 1900: "We 
favor the associated policy of reciprocity so directed as to open our markets on favor- 
able terms for what we do not ourselves produce in return for free foreign markets." 

EXPORT PRICES. 

But some gentlemen say that some manufacturers are selling some goods cheaper 
abroad than at home, and if they can do that what is the need of protection? Let us 
examine this. 

A manufacturer will tell you that his mill has a certain capacity; that he can 
manufacture cheaper, and therefore sell cheaper, by running full time at full capacity 
than by running part time at part capacity; that when the mill slacks down to part 
time or no time at all men are thrown out of employment while interest and rust eat 
on, and the whole system of labor, capital, and machinery is disorganized by alternate 
spasms of activity and idleness. 

He will tell you that at the end of a year or a specified time, having run full time 
at full capacity, he is likely to have on hand a surplus beyond the demands of his 
regular trade, but which he must sell before it becomes stale. 

He will tell you that even if this surplus is sold at cost or even at a loss, still the 
regular price of his product to the consumer is less than it would be if he attempted 
to run haltingly, trying to gauge his product to current demand. 

It appears that in all commercial countries export prices are at times from various 
causes lower than domestic prices, and that among these causes are: 

First, the sale of out-of-date stock; 

Second, the sale of a surplus without slacking down, it being more profitable to 
sell low at times and keep running than to lie idle; and 

Third, the lowering of prices to introduce goods, thereby widening markets and 
stimulating production at home, on the theory that the more there is ^old at home and 
abroad the more there is made at home, and the more there is made at home the cheaper 
it can be made at home, and the cheaper it can be made at home the cheaper it can 
be sold at home, even though at times and in places prices are lower abroad than at 
home, and the more there is made at home the more labor employed at home, and the 
more labor employed at home the more wages paid at home, the more wages spent at 
home, and the more homes built at home. 

OUR JOINT AND SEVERAL INTERESTS. 

No matter how capital combines or how labor combines or how they differ among 
themselves, their interests are inseparable and it ought to be plain to both that they 
can not afford to o;o out of business in favor of foreig.. labor and foreign capital by 
abandoning the policy of protection. 



12 

For the last seven years we have been going on in a procession of highest standards 
till all the world wonders and other nations are paying us the compliment of sub- 
stituting foreign names for American names on American goods, sending experts here 
to study our conditions, and threatening to combine against us commercially. 

Wages and profits have moved up together, so that on the 1st day of January, 
1903, railroaus and large corporations generally throughout the country raised wages 
10 per cent., which, added to the general increase of wages during the three months 
next preceding that time, raised the annual earning power of labor in the United 
States, it is said, by about $75,000,000, an increase unprecedented in industrial history 
within so short a time ! and all these earnings have constantly been flowing back into 
the channels of retail trade. 

It is claimed that an occasional industry here and there has cut down wages or 
shortened hours of work since that time, but there has been no general reaction. We 
have more money in use and circulation now than ever before, and the increase of 
nearly $186,000,000 in our savings banks during the past year, and the fact reported 
by Bradstreet's, that of all the people in business in the year 1903, only 0.76 of 1 per 
cent, failed, is proof of our continuing and advancing prosperity. 

We have had some flurries in Wall street, but a flurry in Wall street is getting to 
be more and more local in its effect. 

All our energies of production, transmutation, and exchange have been running 
full time at full capacity except when slackened here and there by special causes, or 
when interrupted by differences between labor and capital, and how these differences 
shall be adjusted is of supreme importance not only to labor and to capital, but to 
our whole population. 

REASON, NOT FORCE, THE WAY TO SETTLE DIFFERENCES. 

There are two ways to settle disputes, one by arbitration and the other by war, 
and war means progressive mutual destruction. Science is accurate knowledge ac- 
curately applied, and in these days of spectroscopic analysis of lightning and -snap 
shots at thunderbolts; when public opinion concentrates itself by wire and expresses 
itself through printing presses which can print, fold, cut, and paste 72,000 eight-page 
newspapers an hour; when the chemical engineer finds a mine in the waste of yester- 
day; when technical knowledge takes the raw material which is nature's finished product, 
wrought or distilled in the alembie of sunshine and slow time, and separates it into 
the elements which compose it till hundreds of by-products require hundreds of fac- 
tories and multiply invention and labor incalculably? when reason more than force is 
more and more governing the world, it ought to be possible for capital and labor to 
get together somewhere on the uplands of reason and common sense and ascertain with 
reasonable accuracy the line between their mutual rights. 

ORGANIZATION AND ARBITRATION. 

But to do this organization is first necessary. A disorganized mass of rights and 
wrongs can not coherently reason about themselves and express themselves, nor intel- 
ligently hear the rights and wrongs of others. 

Organization compels self-inspection, discussion, and the formulating of principles 
on which to stand that will bear analysis before the bar of public opinion, where both 
organized labor and organized capital must stand trial and be judged by one stand- 
ard of right and wrong, because there can not be two standards of right and wrong, 
one for labor and one for capital. 

Organization makes force, craft, and dishonesty conspicuous and responsible. 

And when labor gets itself organized and gets for itself a head, and when capital 
gets itself organized and gets for itself a head, and when these two heads get together 
and agree upon a working basis organization makes /two organized entities of honor 
or dishonor for the fulfillment or the breach of their agreement. 

The solution of this business must be from the inside outward, that is from the 
conscience of patriotic American citizenship outward, and it will not do to say that 
capital has it all or that labor has it all. 

There is one union above all other unions. Its passv/ord is "Liberty." Its ritual 
is the Constitution of the United States. Its oath is the oath of allegiance to the 
United States, and its sign is the flag of our Union. [Applause.] 



13 

It takes two to make an arbitration just as it takes two to make a quarrel, but 
in the long run neither labor nor capital can afford to take the position or the penalty 
of refusal to arbitrate. 

Refusal reacts first on the parties to the controversy, because industries can not 
be transformed into warring camps and maintain the output of peace, and, second, 
it reacts upon the public at large. 

For illustration, it is said the strikes in the building trades of New York last 
summer reduced the demand for structural steel, which in turn reduced the produc- 
tion of pig iron, two-thirds of the value of which represented labor. Hence labor lost 
its pay, capital lost its profit, and building was delayed. 

GOOD PAY FOR GOOD WORK AND GOOD WORK FOR GOOD PAY. 

There is nothing to be gained by presenting an inventory of the items of differ- 
ence in that controversy, but if it be true, as stated in the Iron Age, that a hand riveter 
on structural steel work in NeAV York City who could easily average from 250 to 
300 rivets a day would only average 80 rivets a day, and if it be true that "the 
pneumatic riveter * * * in the hands of a man in any other city will drive from 
1,500 to 2,000 rivets a day and only 250 or 300 in New York," we are forced to the 
conclusion that there must be something peculiar about New York. 

At the miners' convention in Pittsburg, Kansas, in July last, Mr. Mitchell said: 

While the trades unions ask the highest possible wages, they must return faithful 
service. In the trades unions and in the industrial movement men have obligations 
as well as privileges. We have a duty to perform. If we receive good pay we must 
give good work. 

The question of how much pay is one for labor and capital to settle between 
themselves, but that a man ought to give good work for good pay is only common 
everyday fairness, and the habit of English trades unions of "killing time" is one 
of the things that have contributed to impair the trade of England. 

However they settle their differences, it ought to be plain to both labor and 
capital that their controversies and the adjustment of their controversies ought to 
be conducted on the American side of an American protective tariff; that neither of 
them can afford to introduce into the problem of their differences the factor of un- 
restrained foreign competition, and that so far as labor is concerned, even low wages 
under protection are higher than wages could possibly be without protection. 

Speaking of immigration, John Mitchell says in his book on "Organized Labor," 
"the American people should not sacrifice the future of the working classes in order 
to improve the conditions of the inhabitants of Europe," and this observation is just 
as applicable to unrestricted importations as to unrestricted immigration. 

However labor and capital settle their differences, they must settle them in the 
light of public opinion, and neither can long maintain an unfair position. 

What Samuel Gompers said of trades unionism — that it is "just as strong and no 
stronger than public opinion" — is equally true of trades combinations. 

FAIR DEALING. 

A sound argument argues itself. It may be slow, Kke the shadow en the dial, 
but it must in the long run prevail. 

When the laborers in the vineyard grumbled because those who came in at the 
eleventh hour were paid the same as those who came in under contract in the morn- 
ing, they weTe asked by their employer, "Is it not lawfnl for me to do as I will with 
mine own?" 

If this inquiry were propounded now, some member of a modern union might 
answer justly, "No, modern conditions have introduced a different kind of political 
economy nowadays." And he might proceed to say, "I came here to work for you 
some years ago. On the strength of steady employment I have bought me a home. 
I have it half paid for and the unpaid balance is secured by mortgage. My children 
are in school and I myself am in middle life and can not easily adapt myself to change." 

If his nnion had proposed arbitration he might add: "We have asked for arbitra- 
tion; yon ought not to bring in new men now to take our places without firing fair 



14 

consideration to our grievances. There is a higher equity than the mere payment of 
wages. Give us a chance to be heard." 

If the employer under such conditions refuses to arbitrate, fair-minded men will 
say that labor has not been fairly treated, and the union can not be blamed if it does 
not go out with a brass band to welcome non-union men who have come to take their 
places. 

But if the employer offers to arbitrate, and labor not only refuses to arbitrate, 
but refuses to permit the employer to turn a wheel, and resorts to violence to prevent 
the employer from turning a wheel, fair-minded men will say that the employer has 
not been fairly treated. 

But suppose the laborers who went in first under contract should say: "Let us 
form ourselves into a vine-dressers' union," and having formed themselves into a union 
they should say: "We are expert workmen, but the fewer vines we trim in a day 
the more days we shall have to work and the more pay we shall draw. Therefore 
go to ! let us trim twenty vines a day, when we could trim a hundred. And if any 
non-union vinedresser shall appear at the gate let us stone him with stones." 

What then? Will not fair-minded men say that this is neither fair to the employer 
nor to the consumer, who has to pay more for grapes by reason thereof? 

Or suppose the vinedressers' union should say: "Some of us are expert workmen 
and can earn expert pay; others of us are third-rate workmen and can not earn 
expert pay, but, nevertheless, let us demand expert pay for all of us." Would not 
such a demand operate against the interests of the better workmen and at the same 
time be unfair to the employer and the public at large? 

Again, suppose the vine-dressers' union should say: "In our guild there are one 
hundred. Now, let us limit the number of our apprentices, so that we may keep down 
the supply of labor." 

And suppose the widow's son should apply to learn the vine-dresser's art and 
to him reply should be made: "The number of our apprentices is full. Go thou and 
seek apprenticeship in the woodhewers' union." 

And when he finds the woodhewers' union -and the water carriers' union and other 
unions full, wherewithal shall the widow's son be clothed and fed? 

Has he not an equal right with others to select his trade and work at it? 

While it may be true that labor has as good right to limit the supply of labor 
as monopoly has to limit the output of the necessaries of life, does either make the 
olher right? 

SOCIALISM AND THE BELGIAN EXPERIMENT. 

The paramount problems before the people to-day are tariffs, trusts, and the mu- 
tual relations of labor and capital; and going to and fro in the background of these 
problems, but unrecognized by the great mass of the people engaged therein, is the 
spirit of philosophic socialism, which hails trusts, labor unions, and the municipalizing 
of public utilities as tending toward the realization of the socialistic dream of "all 
for each and each for all." 

It was one of the teachings of Carl Marx "that industries will fall as by nature 
into fewer and fewer hands." 

As to the municipalizing of public utilities, before the people get ready to turn 
over much business to municipal management they will probably want some better 
assurance of municipal business ability and honesty than some of our cities have 
lately furnished, and some better- evidence of the advantages of paternalism than 
Australia has been able to furnish with its public debt of more than a billion dollars, 
increased by socialistic experiment, or its emigrating population. 

The socialistic experiment has also been in practical operation for something like 
ten years in Belgium and is of profound interest to students of social movements. 

In Belgium labor has gone into business on its own account and is practically 
labor capitalized and doing business without the intervention of the middleman. 

Bakeries, creameries, coal depots, groceries, libraries, shoe factories, saloons, and 
distributive stores are run by cooperative labor societies, which also haye a system of 
old-age insurance, giving pensions to members of twenty years' standing who are over 
60 years old. 



15 

It ii a curious fact that the things that arc complained of combined capital heie 
Are complained of combined labor there. 

There, cooperating labor societies are centralizing business; here cooperating capital 
is centralizing business. 

There, it is claimed, middlemen and small dealers are being thrown out of business 
by cooperating labor; here, it is claimed, they are being thrown out by cooperating 
capital. 

In Ghent in 1900 a commission took testimony as to the effect of cooperating 
labor societies there, and the charges against them are curiously like the charges made 
against department stores here. 

In Belgium socialism, experimenting practically with its own theories, has been 
obliged to modify them. 

Judging from the Belgian experiment, humanity is not yet ready to work for a 
common capital as faithfully as for private gain, and the doctrine of "all for each 
and each for all" is not yet practicable. 

There, as elsewhere, for many years labor has been debating about labor-saving 
machinery, and when cooperating labor found that it had to use the best machinery, 
labor employed by itself objected on the ground that improved machinery displaced 
labor, whereupon cooperating labor replied: "The better it is, the better for us. It 
makes more work somewhere else, which some of our men must do. Besides the more 
product we turn out with the best machinery, the better wages we pay and the shorter 
hours we give. If we can make an iron man do our work quicker and better and 
cheaper than we can do it while we get pay for holding him to his task, why not? 

This sounds like good logic for both labor and capital. 

At first labor insisted in Belgium, as it has insisted elsewhere, upon the minimum 
wage system, whereby every workingman should receive no less than a certain sum per 
day. But cooperating labor was obliged to modify the minimum-wage theory, because 
in practice it was found that all kinds of workmen did all kinds of work — that is, 
some worked steadily but with varying speed, according to their ability and skill, while 
others gossiped and wasted their own and others' time. 

Therefore cooperating labor introduced the rule that a man should have no less 
than a certain sum per day provided he could earn that sum. 

That sounds like good logic for both labor and capital. 

Labor objected in Belgium, as it has objected elsewhere, to the piecework system, 
on the ground that under that system employers were in the habit of gauging the 
price per piece by the speed of some too rapid man. 

But cooperating, labor debating and experimenting with itself, found, when it set 
up business for itself in Belgium, that human nature is not changed even when it be- 
comes cooperating human nature, and that men will loaf under a time-work system 
or a minimum- wage system, who, if set to work on piece work, will double their pro- 
ductive power. 

Cooperating labor therefore adopted and continued th'e piece-work system. 

Labor debating and experimenting further with itself found that the market had 
to be reckoned with by cooperating labor just as it has to be reckoned with by capital. 

It found that when cooperating labor sets up in business for itself, if what it 
makes will bring only a certain price on the market, then cooperating labor, receiving 
only that price for what it makes, must gauge the wages it pays itself accordingly, 
just as capital has to gauge the wages it pays. 

Socialism objects to interest and rent; but when *'c goes to work for itself in Bel- 
gium under the cooperative plan, it borrows money jmd rents buildings, and pays in- 
terest and rent the same as capital does. 

When out of business, socialism theorizes about equality; but when it goes into 
business in Belgium, it recognizes that the h/ghest-prieed man in town may be the 
cheapest man in town, and pays its managers accordingly. 

In short, in this singularly strong illustri tion of the difference between theory and 
practice in Belgium, cooperating labor dea*s with wages, hours of work, piecework, 
interest, rent, and extra pay for extra abiPity, as they are dealt with under the wage 
system. 



1G 



NO SOLUTION IN DISORDER. 



Apparently we are not yet ready for socialism. 

At present we are a world of corporate combinations and labor combinations, 
jarringly, but jointly, operating the machinery of the most inventive age since time 
began, and our immediate concern is to keep the machinery running to the profit and 
advantage of all the people. 

Both organized capital and organized labor owe and must render obedience under 
the law, and their best interests are in law and order. Even a bad law is better than 
no law at all. If the law is bad, the law can be amended. 

Anarchy would only turn over to the strong and the cunning all the remnants 
of a destroyed state; and inasmuch as even chaos must have a center to revolve around, 
reorganization would immediately begin again, under new leaders. 

The French Revolution, with its tannery of human skins at Meudon, its wig making 
from the hair of the guillotined, its dyspeptic mobs hanging mayors and bakers be- 
cause bread was too high, its goddess of reason, and all its other tragic by-products, 
finally resulted in a Napoleon. 

The average common sense of the average American citizen is the power behind 
the law and above the law. 

The struggle now, as in Lincoln's time, though in a different way, is still "a strug- 
gle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of government whose leading 
object is to elevate the condition of men, * * * to afford to all an unfettered start 
and a fair chance in the race of life." 

Our leaders shall be of ourselves and our "governors shall proceed from the midst 
of us," and so long as the best is uppermost in men and so long as the best men are 
uppermost among men no power this side the Omnipotent can prevent us from con- 
tinuing to be foremost among the living advancing powers of the world. 

Humanity on its long journey from the lost Eden to the new Eden somewhere 
beyond has received a new impulse here on American soil, and American manhood, 
grown to the measure of the stature of the fullness of its opportunity, is taking its 
weaker brethren by the hand and leading them on while all the traditions of our heroic 
past, all our hopes of better things to come, all the ideals of our great leaders who 
have died along the march, and all the angels of our better nature lean from tbe 
battlements of light and cheer us on the way. [Loud and prolonged applause.] 



No. 10. 

"I see countries under protection prospering and countries under free trade 
decaying. " — Bismarck. 

"Abstract theories concern very little the people for whom, we legislate. 
Mere abstract theory never filled a stomach, clothed a back, built a 
cottage, started a mill wheel, moved a shuttle, or closed a soup house." 

Hon. C. E. LITTLEFIELD. 




OF 



Hon. Charles E. Littlefie 



OF MAINE 



IN THE 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

WEDNESDAY, APRIL 27, 1904 



SPEECH OF 

HON. CHARLES E. LITTLEFIELD 

OF MAINE 

Wednesday, April 27, 1904, 



Mr. LITTLEFIELD said: 

Mr. Speaker: Under the existing conditions I have no doubt I will be pardoned 
if I do not spend any time discussing the specific provisions of this bill. This is 
a bill that provides for carrying the supplies of the Army and Navy by the 
American merchant marine. It is for that purpose and is intended as an aid 
in its upbuilding and development. I agree with the distinguished gentleman from 
New York [Mr. Cocicrax] that the underlying principle of this bill being the 
purpose to aid by the Government this branch of our industries, is a legitimate 
corollary of the doctrine of protection, and in that respect it is in line with the 
well-settled policy of this country. Every consideration involved in its support 
is a consideration that would equally as well apply in a discussion of the question 
of protection generally. 

Now, inasmuch, Mr. Speaker, as it is my purpose during the course of this 
discussion to refer to a greater or less extent to the Republican policy of pro- 
tection and the assaults that have been made thereon and the respective attitudes 
of the contending parties with reference thereto, it is entirely proper for me to sug- 
gest that the remarks that I thus make for that purpose will be entirely germane to 
pending bill. It has been the privilege of the House during the last few days to wit- 
ness upon this floor some very unusual and remarkable displays of parliamentary 
eloquence. The distinguished gentleman from New York [Mr. Cockrak], with 
his splendid natural abilities and his magnificent talents, has contributed in a 
large and remarkable degree to that oratorical display. 

I congratulate the gentlemen upon the other side; I congratulate the gentlem?n 
upon this side; I congratulate the country upon the return of the dis- 
tinguished gentleman from New York [Mr. Cockrax] to legislative duties 
upon this floor as a representative of that great Empire State. [Applause 
on the Democratic side.] It affords me great pleasure to recognize his 
superb ability and his great capacities. It is a pleasure to meet him, it is a 
pleasure to know him, and it is an unalloyed pleasure, particularly at this time 
and under these circumstances, for me upon this side to hear him. I wish to say 
in the first instance, Mr. Speaker, that I was very much interested in the presenta- 
tion made by my distinguished friend. 

THE THEORIES THAT UNDERLIE THE DOCTRINE OF FREE T*ABE 
ARE BY NO MEANS NEW OR NOVEL. 

The arguments that are supposed to sustain and maintain that chimerical and 
Utopian theory for fiscal legislation have long been threadbare, frayed out, toil 
worn, travel stained, moth-eaten, and they now achieve a new distinction and 
attraction by their oratorical display from the gentleman from New York. [Ap- 



plause on the Republican side] I wish to c.ill tlie attention of the House and of 
the country to the fact that the gentleman from New York spent little time in 
developing the metaphysical theories, the general line of argument and discussion 
that is supposed to lie behind and justify the doctrine of free trade. On the 
contrary, the gentleman from New York [Mr. Cockran instead of arguing that 
proposition and presenting it in any degree as a logical condition, sustained by 
reason and argument addressed to this House and to the country, devoted his 
time largely to an assault — vituperative, vilifying, and since the speech of the 
gentleman yesterday afternoon, I am compelled by an adherence to truth to say 
a demagogic assault — upon the doctrine of protection to American labor and in- 
dustry. [Applause on the Republican side.] I will not meet the gentleman upon 
that ground. 

The gentleman mistakes epithets for argument and denunciation for demon- 
stration. I will not degrade myself to the level of assault and vilification and 
vituperation in a discussion of a great question that concerns the welfare, the 
happiness, and the prosperity of a great people. [Applause on the Republican 
side.] I welcome any contribution to any public discussion that tends to illu- 
minate the situation and contribute thereto information, no matter from what 
source it may ceme or what its inspiration may be, because in this country we are 
mainly interested, our constituents are interested, in the rightful determination 
of these great questions. The purpose of parliamentary deliberations should be 
the ascertainment and the development of the truth, and that involves, Mr. Speaker, 
contributions to the discussion from both sides. 

Now, while I recognize, Mr. Speaker, that the performance of the distinguished 
gentleman from New York, for whom I entertain the highest degree of admira- 
tion, upon Saturday last Avas one of the finest laurels that he has added to his 
reputation during a long and illustrious career, I feel bound to say that his dis- 
cussion added nothing to the sum of human knowledge and did not increase the 
store of human wisdom. [Applause on the Republican side.] If the gentleman 
had confined himself in the discussion to the metaphysical, logical, and syllogis- 
tical propositions that from the time of Adam Smith down through Peel and 
Cobden and Bright, until we reach men of this generation, have been relied upon 
by distinguished men for the purpose of sustaining that propaganda, it might 
perhaps have been thought necessary to indulge from this side in defense of this 
policy in equally theoretical discussion in answer thereto, but yet even then, Mr. 
Speaker, I should doubt somewhat the utility of that sort of discussion. 

Abstract theories concern very little the people for whom we legislate. Mere 
abstract theory never filled a stomach, clothed a back, built a cottage, started 
a mill wheel, moved a shuttle, or closed a soup house. What do they desire to 
know? 

THE PEOPLE WANT TO KNOW WHAT THE LAW WE ENACT WILL 
DO FOR THE COUNTRY. 

They are concerned very little as to what theory produces legislation 
whether protection or free trade, but it is the result of the application of the 
theories in fiscal legislation that concerns the welfare, the prosperity, and the 
happiness of a great people, and it is by that standard that a little later I propose 
to treat some suggestions made by the distinguished gentleman from New York. 
No theory can long stand, no matter how metaphysically and how theoretically 



sound it may be, that can not stand the test of the stern and inexorable I 
of events. 

Bismarck, one of the greatest statesmen of our time — -yes, of any time — we'A 
said : 

"I base my opinion on the practical experience of our time. I see coun- 
tries under protection prospering- and countries under free trade decay- 
ing." 

Results determine whether or not the American people stand by a certain policy. 
And upon results the Republican party in this campaign will stand with its feet 
planted upon the rock. [Applause on the Republican side.] Before I reach a 
consideration of these suggestions, however, I wish to refer to some things which 
have occurred upon this floor in conection with this discussion that in my judg- 
ment require a little more than passing notice. The gentleman from New York 
[Mr. Cockrak] in his speech on Saturday called attention to the fact that fre- 
quent demands had been made from this side of the House for the purpose of 
ascertaining what the issue would be in this campaign upon which two great par- 
ties would go before the American people and submit their contensions to arbi- 
trament at the polls. 

Until the gentleman arose in his place on Saturday and gave an answer to that 
question some doubt, perhaps, might have existed as to what the issue was to be. 
Now, for the time being, at this stage of the discussion, 1 assume that the gentle- 
man from New York [Mr. Cockijan] has the right to speak for the men who 
covered him with encomium and sustained him with uncontrollable enthusiasm on 
Saturday last. Mr. Speaker, I quote now from the notes of the speech of the gen- 
tleman from New York [Mr. Cockran], for I have not the benefit of the Record, 
as his speech has not yet been printed. He said: 

•'This suggestion of a subsidy, which has brought forth this entire tariff dis- 
cussion, presents therefore clearly the issue between the two parties. It pre- 
sents the issue between seeking prosperity by government interference and by the 
independent labor of the citizen, between paternalism and individualism, between 
Republicanism and Democracy. [Applause on the Democratic side]" 

That is to say, the issue between absolute free trade and protection. That ther 
may be no doubt as to what kind of an issue the gentleman intended clearly 
appears from his next statement: 

"Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Hepburn], who has just con- 
cluded, the gallant hero from Ohio [Mr. Grosvexor], who is as brave in facing 
the reasons of his adversaries as the bullets of his enemies, have both challenged 
us to name the issue on which this Presidential campaign must turn." 

I suppose he meant the alleged reasons of his adversaries. 
Remember what I have just quoted as to what the issue was, 

THE ISSUE BETWEEN FREE TRADE— BOLD, BLATANT, BARE, AND 

UNCOVERED— AND PROTECTION TO AMERICAN INDUSTRY; 

THAT IS WHAT THE GENTLEMAN STANDS FOR. 

Then, in order to make it absolutely certain that this was to be the issue, he says: 

"Why, sir, this issue — 

Referring to the issue between free trade and protection — 

"is made clear by every word that has fallen from the lips of any Member of 
this house," 



Now, whether he had in his mind the concluding suggestion of my distinguished 
friend from Missouri [Mr. Clark] vyhen he said that the bugle note of this cam- 
paign was to be tariff reduction and genuine reciprocity, or whether lie had in 
mind the article written in the magazine by the distinguished minority leader of 
this House, I do not know; and let me say in passing, Mr. Speaker, that I have 
the highest admiration and respect, not only for the ability of the distinguished 
minority leader of this House, but for his character and integrity, and a little 
later I desire to put that integrity and that character to the test by some in- 
quiries I propose to propound. 

THIS, FREE TRADE AGAINST PROTECTION, WAS THE ISSUE ON 
SATURDAY, APPLAUDED TO THE ECHO. 

aye, greeted with aniens upon the other side — yes, greeted with howls and yells 
and cheers such as never have occurred in this assembly probably since the dis- 
tinguished gentleman, Hon. William L. Wilson, was carried in triumphal pro- 
cession upon the shoulders of his friends out of this room and returned thereto 
a strickeil corpse in the shape of the Gorman-Wilson tariff bill. [Applause and 
laughter on the Republican side.] 

That was on Saturday. A change came o'er the spirit of his dreams. Twenty- 
four hours roll around, forty-eight hours roll around, seventy-two hours roll 
around, and the gentleman from New York [Mr. Cockrak] again addresses the 
American Congress, and incidentally thereto the American people. What then? 
Mr. Speaker, I am still deprived of the printed record of the second speech of 
the gentleman from New York [Mr. Cockrak] ; but the gentleman from New York 
[Mr. Cockram-] then very mildly informed the House of his suggestion of the 
issue, although received, I am bound to say, in some quarters with more or less 
belated fervor, and the gentleman no doubt realized that when exposed to the air, 
when this skeleton of free trade had been taken from its prison house and ex- 
hibited to the country in all its nakedness and enormity, it was not greeted with 
that degree of cheer that he perhaps expected, when reflection ensued. 

Yesterday he said the issue will not be the tariff, but it will be "the question of 
depriving you of the opportunity of robbing the Treasury of the proceeds of the 
ievenue. v 

Now, let me make this suggestion to my friend. When the gentleman made that 
suggestion he well knew — I do not know that I will go so far as to say that — he 
ought to have known that it was without foundation. How much the gentleman 
knows about these things I do not quite understand, because I have here the notes 
of his speech, in which he suggests that the revenues collected for the purpose of 
carrying on the Government are, in some respects, collected in a manner that no 
one is able to ascertain; and yet, without money and without price, simply by 
a letter addressed to a Department of this Government, that can be ascertained 
in detail without any difficulty, indicating, perhaps, a lack of thorough study on 
the part of the gentleman from New York upon these great questions, and in- 
dicating the further fact that the gentleman is happier and more successful when 
he swings himself into the upper ether, with his feet away from the earth, un- 
hampered by facts, to engage in these magnificent oratorical demonstrations. 
[Laughter and applause on the Republican side.] 

But that was not the real reason for changing the issue. The gentleman 
from New York in that speech of Tuesday, drawn out by the controversy with 
my distinguished friend from Pennsylvania [Mr. Dalzell] — in which controversy 



6 

I desire to say here and now I take no part, because it is no affair of mine — but 
in the speech drawn out by that controversy the gentleman from New York went 
further and said — not that this suggestion was the reason, that was thrown in 
merely because it filled the mouth with a well-rounded rhetorical period — the 
gentleman said they did not propose to make the tariff an issue because — why? 
Because they could not enact that proposition, as announced on Saturday last, 
into a law for four years, on account of the fact that the Republican party is 
intrenched in the Senate of the United States for four years to come. Now, that 
may be a source of satisfaction to the country, but it does not add anything to 
the weight of the gentleman's argument, or furnish a reason for his withdrawing 
the tariff as an issue, as I shall show in a moment. ******** 

I have clearly demonstrated that no gentleman on the other side dares deny 
that he approves of the free-trade declarations of the gentleman from New 
York [Mr. Cockrast], which were applauded with such uncontrollable enthusiasm, 
nor do they dare deny that they propose to enact them into law when 
opportunity is afforded. Now, let me call the attention of the gentleman from 
Missouri [Mr. De Armond] to this fact. The gentieman seems to be disturbed 
by trusts, and I trust that he may have read the platform adopted by the late 
Democratic convention in New York, upon which the great unknown and recently 
discovered is expected to be nominated and make this run for the Presidency. 
Let me read this to the gentleman: 

"Corporations chartered by the State must be subject to just regu- 
lations" — 

By whom do you think? 

"by the State in the interest of the people." 

[Applause and laughter on the Republican side.] 

When they are defining the regulations to which corporations must be sub- 
jected and confine it to the State, the inference is that they intend to exclude 
Federal control. 

The Republican party says that these corporations must be subject to regula- 
tion by the State, and in addition thereto, by the the Federal Government, the 
latter being the only body that can effectively regulate them. Go into this cam- 
paign and ratiocinate about trusts with pharisaical and hypocritical declarations 
in relation thereto, and have facing you this proposition of the convention of the 
State of New York, that you propose in effect to take corporations out from under 
interstate control and put them under State control. By that interesting process 
— dictated, I understand, by August Belmont of New York — you eliminate the 
Federal control of trusts and combines and the opportunity to regulate and con- 
trol interstate commerce, so far as it may undertake to drive out trade monopolies. 

Having spent some considerable time in unavailing efforts to acquire informa- 
tion from our friends on the other side or to get an answer from them, I will 
proceed with the discussion. The country will judge whether the Democratic 
party that sat .here and vociferously applauded that speech on Saturday last, with 
its free-trade theories, does or not in its heart approve of its sentiments, though 
it has not a man who dares stand in his place, excepting, perhaps, the other dis- 
tinguished gentleman from New York [Mr. Baker], and say that he now approves 
of it. Even the distinguished gentleman from New York [Mr. Cockran | who 
made it does not stand by it. He withdrew it in terms on this floor yesterday 
a fternoon. 



WHAT DOES THE DEMOCRACY REALLY MEAN? 

Are the Democracy in favor of free trade? Do they believe in it; and after this 
manifestation of their attitude, if they are ever vested with power will they enact 
it into law? The Democratic party stands to-day at the parting of the ways. 
One way lies honesty integrity, consistency; their real conviction and belief, free 
trade; but at the end of that way is certain defeat. The other way is hypocrisy 
and deceit and the hope that they may cajole the people into believing that they 
will not injure any industry if intrusted with power. At its end, if the goal 
is reached, dangles the Presidency and the House of Representatives. So far as 
it has a conscience and a real belief, it is drawn toward defeat; but the attraction 
of the flesh pots of Egypt will turn them from the way of rectitude to that of 
deceit with the hope of success, however dishonorable. Infirm of purpose, of 
course they tremble. 

Gentlemen should not be affrighted at their shadows, because people who are 
affrighted at their shadows gradually shrivel and shrink and dwindle until they 
are not able to cast even a shadow, and the Democracy' would hardly want to get 
into that position, I take it. 

I want to call attention to a suggestion made by the gentleman from New York 
as to prosperity. The gentleman has a very theoretical definition of prosperity. 
He says there is no prosperity unless it is attained . or demonstrated under the 
formula suggested by him. The gentleman has this great peculiarity: He is not 
satisfied with the existence of any known fact unless he can account for it in some 
way by the exercise of his theorizing or reasoning or syllogistic powers. If he 
were to be asked whether the sun shone, he would be likely to say: "It is now well 
settled that the sun is a stationary and luminous body, that the earth revolves 
on its axis once in twenty- four hours, and during that period every part of the 
earth's surface at some point of time is exposed to the sun. It is now 5 minutes 
of 3 p. m. ; the sun rose at a certain time, say 6.30 a. m. ; therefore the sun now 
shines on this particular part of the earth's surface." [Laughter.] 

Now, the ordinary mortal looks out and says, "The sun is shining." He knows 
it without any process of ratiocination or unusual and extraordinary reasoning. 

When the gentleman from New York strikes this question of prosperity, he is 
troubled by the same difficulty. The ordinary citizen looks out over the land 
and ascertains whether or not prosperity blesses the country by observing whether 
or not wage-earners are employed, whether business is profitable, whether the 
mills are moving, whether the soup houses have been extinguished. And. if the 
wage-earners are profitably employed and money and products are being accu- 
mulated and distributed throughout the community, then we have prosperity. But 
the gentleman from New York says : 

"Now, sir, if this definition of prosperity be correct it follows that any 
system, that tends to swell the production of commodities is the system, 
that produces for the happiness and welfare and the prosperity of a 
people." 

I will take the gentleman's definition, and I will try the results of protection 
by that definition. "Any system that tends to swell the production of commodi- 
ties" is the system that gives prosperity to the people. 

In 1890 the amount -of the annual productions of this country, agricultural, 
mining and manufacturing, aggregated $12,452,] 93,662. In 1900 they aggregated 
$17,867,076,272. And I want to call attention to the fact that this vast amount 



of production was beyond all question largely consumed in our own country, be- 
cause our exports during the last few years have been only about $1,200,000,000 
and our imports something like $800,000,000, making the balance of trade in our 
favor some five or six hundred millions, as the case may be; so that this vast 
amount of production, seventeen billions, is consumed by our people. 

It is, not hoarded; it is not piled up in the banks; it is not stored away. It is 
manufactured product: it is agricultural product; it is the product of the mine. 
The gold and silver amounted to only about $173,000,000. It must have been dis- 
tributed among the great mass of the people, as they., as distinguished from the 
wealthy few,' are the consumers of these products. This shows an increase of pro- 
duction during that period of $5,414,882,610. Tlus extraordinary increase has 
taken place notwithstanding the fact that the years of 1894, 1895, 1896, and 1897, 
of Democratic Administration, were years of deficit in the Treasury, accompanied 
with a paralyzing panic that threw labor out of employment and arrested the de- 
velopment of production, painful facts which makes the increase all the more 
remarkable. 

How does that indicate any progress and development? Well, the percentage 
of increase of production from 1890 to 1900 was 0.43. To be sure, we have in- 
creased in population during that time, which increase was not affected by the 
years of panic and disaster. But the percentage of increase of population is 0.21 
and the percentage of increase of production is double the percentage of the 
increase of population. The amount of production per capita in 1890 was $199; 
in 1900 it was $234, or $35 per capita more in 1900 than in 1890. So that if it 
were necessary to demonstrate a palpable and obvious fact that has been con- 
ceded upon the other side of this House during this session over and over again, 
that magnificent prosperity now blesses this country, we have the demonstration 
by the actual figures involved in its development. One test is therefore success- 
fully met, and this is his supreme test. This was under the '•system" of protection. 



AMERICAN LABOR AND INDUSTRY. 

Now, I wish to refer, if the Chair please, to another proposition involved in the 
demonstration of the propriety and wisdom and utility and value of the Repub- 
lican policy of the protection of American labor and industry. And in connec- 
tion with this I will invoke a speech made by the distinguished gentleman from 
New York [Mr. Cockrax] in the Fifty-third Congress when the Gorman-Wilson 
bill was under consideration. In that speech the gentleman referred to the ilc- 
Kinley. bill. The author of it having discovered that there was no tin-plate pro- 
duction or manufacture in this country, and believing that there was capital and 
labor ready to embark in its production, provided for a tariff that, in his judg- 
ment, would develop an entirely new industry in the Republic. The industry 
began to develop in the middle of 1891. In 1394 the distinguished gentleman from 
New York [Mr. Cockran] referred to this industry as follows: 

"I have already conceded that by protection you ean diversify industries. 1 
concede, for instance, that your tariff may have operated to start a tin-plate in- 
dustry in this country. [Laughter on the Democratic side.]" 

Treated it more or less as a joke, you see. 

"I have always heard the existence of tin-plate factories disputed— 



At that very time they bad increased from a production of 2,000,000 pounds in 
six months to a production of 160,000,000 pounds per year. 

"I have always heard the existence of tin-plate factories disputed; whether 
they exist in this country or not is one of the questions which are as puzzling 
to the human mind as the identity of the 3nan who wore the iron mask, but I 
am willing to concede that you may have started a tin-plate industry under your 
tariff, because I know that you can start it if you put the tariff high enough. You 
can start almost any industry in this country, no matter what the cost of pro- 
duction may be, no matter how much it may exceed the cost of production in 
any other country, if you impose a sufficiently high tariff on it and there be a 
demand for the article in this country. Now, that is a large concession to the 
high-protection doctrine. I admit that you can diversify industry by legislation; 
but the question is, should you do it? Is it for the best interests of all the people 
of this country that you should do it?" 

I think that is a very fair statement of the test that should be applied to 
the theory of the protective tariff and to the operation Of its legislation. By that 
test I propose to measure the Republican policy. 

TIN PLATE. 

I want to call the attention of the distinguished gentleman from New York 
[Mr. Cockran], and I want to call the attention of my friends on the other side 
to the fact that this tariff legislation originated by William McKinley in 1890 
amply sustains that test. By it, for the first time, a tariff was imposed upon tin 
It operated for about six months in 1891, and during that time there were 2,000,- 
000 pouads of tin plates manufactured. In 1902 there were 819,000,000 pounds 
manufactured. In 1900 the capital invested in that industry was $28,000,000. The 
* amount annualby paid for wages was $10,000,000, the number of wage-earners em- 
ployed 14,843, the value of the product was $41,322,000, and the estimated wages 
paid since 1901 are $100,000,000. Here we have $10,000,000 wages per annum, 
14,843 people employed, $41,000,000 the value of the product and $100,000,000 paid 
in wages since the development of this industry. Well, from some points of view 
that would be held to demonstrate the efficiency and success of this legislation. 
The distribution of this vast sum in wages and the employment of this large 
number of persons, to anyone but a free trader, would seem matters of the first 
consequence. 

But the gentleman from New York [Mr. Cockran] says that this policy is 
plunder; that it is robbery of the people; that it is levying tribute upon the many 
for the benefit of the few«; that these sums are plundered from the people en- 
gaged in other industries. Now, let me call the gentleman's attention to the fact 
that the cost of tin plate in this country per hundred pounds in 1891 was $5.30. 
This was the price the domestic consumer paid for imported tin at that time. 
In March, 1904, the cost to the domestic consumer of tin of domestic manufac- 
ture was $3.65. In other words, tin plates costs to-day to the domestic consumer 
per hundred pounds, under the operation of the protective tariff, $1.65 less per 
hundred pounds than it cost in 1891, when the tariff went into operation and he 
supplied himself with the imported article. But that does not establish the whole 
proposition. The gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Clark] said the other day that 
when the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Hepburn] made his suggestion in regard 
to steel rails that there had been the same reduction in the price of steel rails the 
world over. Now, if it is true that there has been a corresponding reduction 



10 

in the price of tin plate abroad compared with the reductior at home, the sug- 
gestion of the genileman from Missouri would be applicable here. 

But what is the fact? I have said that in 1891 importer tin plate cost the do- 
mestic consumer here $5.30 per 100 pounds. What did the same plate cost abroad 
before importation? Three dollars per 100 pounds. 

Mr. Williams of Mississippi. Will the gentlema i give me those figures? 

Mr. LITTLEFIELD. Certainly. Tin plate cost here in 1904, in March, this 
very last March, $3.65 per 100 pounds. 

Mr. Williams of Mississippi. I did not ^atch the earlier prices. 

Mr. LITTLEFIELD. In 1891 the aomestic price of imported tin plate was 
$5.30 in New York. In March, 190-1, the domestic price in New York of tin of 
domestic manufacture was $3.65, a reduction of $1.65 per 100 pounds. 

In 1891 the price was $3 per hundred pounds abroad. If there had been a cor- 
responding reduction in the cost abroad as in the cost or price here, there would 
be very little in the proposition. Now, what I say is this, that the price of 19')3 
abroad was $2.90 a hundred pounds, a reduction of only 10 cents. In other words, 
there has been a saving by virtue of the operation of a protective tariff in con- 
nection with the tin industry during this period from 1891 to 1904 to-day of 
$1.65, and taking off the ten cents makes it $1.55 per hundred pounds. If you 
had the same reduction abroad as has occurred at home under this robber Mc- 
Kinley tariff, you would have a price abroad to-day of only $1.35 a hundred 
pounds instead of $2.90. Multiply 819,000,000 pounds, the annual production at 
the present time, by 1.55, instead of 1.65, to allow for the reduction in price 
abroad of 10 cents, and you have $12,694,500 as the sum that we would now be 
paying for imported tin in excess of what we now pay for the domestic product 
if there were no tariff. 

If we were buying to-day imported tin, as we were in 1891, and as we would ' 
be but for the protective tariff, we would be paying therefor $5.20 instead of 
$3.65 per 100 pounds. 

In other words, a saving to the American consumer of $12,694,500 by reason of 
the operation of domestic competition under the protection afforded by the tariff, 
"puzzling though it may be to the human mind" in some instances. It is esti- 
mated that at least $75,000,000 have been thus saved to the American consumer 
by the operation of the tariff since 1891. This is an illustration of how in prac- 
tical operation the tariff robs and plunders the people and of how vicious pater- 
nalism ma} r be. 

Now, I call the attention of the gentleman from New York to this proposition, 
and I think his candor is such that he will concede it.' His suggestion is: "Is it 
for the best interest of all the people of this country that you should do it?" 

Here is the practical application of the tariff for the purpose of developing 
this particular industry. The actual saving per -annum to the people of this 
country by the operation of this proposition has been $12,694,500. The total saving 
estimated by- the Bureau of Statistics is $75,000,000; and I submit, Mr. Speaker, 
with great candor, I have answered fully the suggestion of the gentleman from 
New York. * 



- • .11 

IS THE PROTECTIVE TARIFF UNCONSTITUTIONAL? 

I wish to go a little further, Mr. Speaker, and call attention to what I beli ve 
to be the theory upon which tariff legislation should operate. We differ consti- 
tutionally with our friends. In the platform of T692 they said a fundamental 
principle of the Democratic party was that it was unconstitutional to levy tariff 
taxes except for the purpose of revenue only — that is, the protective tariff is un- 
constitutional. Now, we say tariff taxes should be levied, first, for the purpose 
of raising sufficient revenue to carry on all the business of this great Government 
and, in addition thereto, for the protection of American labor and industry. Nov,-, 
what degree of protection should be accorded and upon what basis should it ba 
imposed? I believe, Mr. Speaker, that the tariff should be sufficient in extent to 
enable persons engaged in production in any industry, agricultural or manufactur- 
ing, to pay the American rate of wages and receive a fair return upon the capital 
invested. I believe that should be the general principle. 

I do not go so far as to say it can be applied with mathematical exactness. It 
is subject to all human conditions. It is subject to the same conditions and in- 
firmities that apply in connection with all legislation that has relation to human 
conditions, but so far as it can be practicably applied, in my judgment that rule 
should be applied. I believe it should be universally operative everywhere. I 
believe it should be applied for the benefit of the sugar planters in Louisiana as 
well as for the lime producer in Maine. I believe it should apply protection to 
the fruit grower of California as well as the lumberman in the State of Maine, 
or the steel manufacturer in Pennsylvania, and wherever a tariff now exists or 
a business exists that requires the application of that proposition in order to 
enable the payment of a fair rate of American wage and a fair return by way 
of income upon the capital invested, there, I believe, it should be applied. I 
would not remove a tariff on a product of the West for the benifit of the East, 
nor would I vote to remove it on an article produced by a manufacturer in the 
East for the benefit of the West, where it was necessary in order to enable the 
results above indicated to be attained. 

I would make no discriminations so far as persons are concerned. I do not 
understand when we are legislating, Mr. Speaker, upon fiscal policies of this 
Government, that we are legislating in the interest of political parties. 

BUSINESS KNOWS NO POLITICS. IT IS NEITHER DEMOCRATIC 

NOR REPUBLICAN. 

Investment anywhere and everywhere is entitled to the same equitable treatment 
from the Government. I said that I would impose it so as to enable a fair return 
upon the capital invested. What do I mean by that? I mean just exactly this, 
just exactly what I say — capital invested. I do not mean overcapitalization; 1 
do not mean wind and water. 

Let me give a concrete illustration. Take, for instance, a corporation ivith a 
capital of $100,000, but with a capitalization, we will say, of a million, for the pur- 
pose of making the illustration more obvious. I do not believe that a tariff should 
be imposed under such circumstances, so as to enable a corporation to declare 
dividends upon a million of capitalization. I believe it should be imposed so as 
to enable the industry to pay a fair income upon the capital actually invested — 
$100,000. 



12 

NOW, IT IS SAID, MR. SPEAKER, THAT GOODS ARE SOMETIMES 
SOLD ABROAD CHEAPER THAN THEY ARE AT HOME. 

I suppose that is true. I know that, as a matter of fact, in connection with 
many large business industries in this country, goods are sold in this country 
at a distance from their place of manufacture more cheaply than in the pi ce 
where they are manufactured. 

I can reach out my hand here and put it upon the head of a Congressman who 
is engaged in the manufacture of a product, and who sells that product cheaper 
150 miles from his home than he does in his home, and whose competitors 150 or 
o0(i miles away sell in his home cheaper than they sell at the place where the goods 
are manufactured by them. It is simply one of the natural evolutions in the 
development of business. I am not able to assert that this is an unvarying and 
universal incident of business, but I know that it exists in many instances and is 
not therefore necessarily an abnormal condition. Now, so far as a sale abroad 
cheaper than at home is due to that same business condition and the operation o 
that same business factor, I would not interfere with it; but wherever a man i- 
facturer or a producer is able to sell his product cheaper abroad than at home bj 
reason of the operation of a tariff, because thereof, so that the relation of cans 
and effect can be established in connection with the situation, I believe that t. e 
tariff should be reduced so far as is necessary to prevent the production of that 
result. [Applause on the Democratic side.] 

I speak, of course, for myself. I do not control the policy of the Republican 
party, but I believe that to be the policy of the Republican party upon this prop- 
osition. [Applause on the Republican side.] Now mark this. Take the proposi- 
tions as I make them. I am going to be entirely frank about it. Take the 
proposition as I make it: Whenever and wherever a manufacturer is able by reason 
of the tariff, as a result thereof, when the relation of cause and effect can be 
established in connection with the situation, to sell abroad cheaper than he sells 
at home, I would deprive him of so much of the protection as was necessary in 
order to prevent that result. [Applause.] I do not know of any Republican that 
takes any other ground, so far as that is concerned. [Applause.] 

THE MAN DOES NOT LIVE, AND HAS NOT STOOD IN SHOES, WHO 
CAN DEMONSTRATE THE PROPOSITION THAT THE PROTEC- 
TIVE TARIFF IS WHAT IT IS CALLED, "TEE MOTHER OE 
TRUSTS." 

When it comes to the question of the relation of the tariff to trusts, I desire to 
say that the man does not live and has not stood in shoes who can demon- 
strate the proposition that the protective tariff is what is called "the mother of 
trusts." [Applause on the Republican side.] I concede that the trust, if there 
be a trust, which is engaged in the manufacture of an article and the individual 
competitor may both receive the protection of the tariff, but it can not be dem ;n- 
strated, even for a moment, that the mother or ci*eator of any trust is the tariff; 
nor is it logical nor is it sensible to undertake to repeal the tariff in order to 
eliminate or exterminate a trust. 

Let me analyze that proposition for a moment. The tariff, it is charged, is 
the creator of the trust. If that be true, then the tariff is the creator and the 
trust the creature, and vice versa. No reason is perceived why the same ml ! 



would not apply to this as to every ether condition. Then wherever you found 

the creator you would expect to find the creature, and where the creature was 
there would be found the creator. But we have many articles, products as to 
which there is no tariff, the Standard Oil Company's being the most conspicuous 
example. It is a trust par excellence, and there has never been any tariff on its 
product. Then we have trusts innumerable in free-trade countries, England being 
honeycombed with them. Here, then, you have creatures without creators or 
shelters. 

On the other hand, there are many articles on the protected list as to which there 
are no trusts. There you have the creator and shelter without any creature, and 
an unutilized shelter. Suppose the Democracy applied its theory of repealing 
the tariff to destroy a trust, what then? This would be the -practical operation 
of this alleged panacea. Let us take the tin industry- It is claimed that a trust 
controls quite a portion of the product. But besides the trust there are a goodly 
number of independent operators. In the contest between the independent opera- 
tor and the trust, by reason of the fact that the quantity produced by the trust 
enables it to take advantage of all the elements involved in doing a large 
business and gets favors by way of transportation facilities and charges on ac- 
count of the quantity handled, the small, independent operator is unable to com- 
pete and is continually going to the wall. 

THIS KILLING OUT OF COMPETITION IS AN ESSENTIAL INCIDENT 
OF THE TRUST MOVEMENT. 

If the small, independent operator could hold his own and compete, no harm 
could come to the public, as his ability and competition would regulate the price 
and prevent oppression. But the fact is the other way. The tariff on tin, it is 
clear, gives the same protection to the independent operator and the trust; no 
more and no less. If the foreign manufacturer is let in by a repeal of the tariff, 
the independent operator, being the weakest, goes to the wall first, leaving the 
field to the trust, and you have accomplished precisely the end desired by the trust. 
That is just ichat the trust wants, and just what we don't want. But you say, 
''We will driwe the trust itself out of business/' 

Then you would have no tin manufactured in this country, and you would be 
turned over absolutely to the mercy of a foreign trust, over which we have abso- 
lutely no control, precisely where we were before the imposition of the tariff; 
and in depriving the trust of the "shelter" of the tariff, at the same time depriv- 
ing the American people of the "shelter" of the tariff, and conferring upon them 
the high and endearing privilege of paying some twelve millions more for their 
tin than they are now paying. 

This is Democratic statesmanship of the most recent vintage. That this is not 
overdrawn will appear from a bill now pending before the Ways and Means Com- 
mittee, introduced by Mr. Richardsok of Tennessee, which provides, as to 
"articles and commodities manufactured and controlled or produced in the United 
States by a trust or trusts, the importation of such articles and commodities from 
foreign countries shall be free of duty until, in the opinion of the President and 
Secretary of the Treasury, such manufacture, control, or production shall have 
ceased." (H. R. 3570.) 

It will be observed that this bill proceeds on the assumption that the repeal 
of the duty will destroy the manufacture or the industry, and, if necessary, it 



14 

proposes, for illustration, inasmuch as some tin is "manufactured and controlled 
or produced'' by a trust, to take the duty off until the "manufacture, control, or 
production shall have ceased" and the tin industry is no more. And the Democ- 
racy thinks that is legislation adequately adapted to a desirable result. 

I have said that I believe a tariff should be imposed upon these general grounds, 
on a universal principle, giving industries everywhere the same benefit and same 
advantage to accomplish this result. I do not believe that principle should be 
violated by legislation on the floor of this House, nor do I believe that it should 
be violated or infringed by any form of reciprocity, alleged to be genuine or 
otherwise. I believe reciprocity should be applied^ if applied, precisely in the 
manner indicated by the sainted McKinley when he made his speech in Buffalo, 
X. Y., his last message to the American people, so as not to interfere with any 
domestic production or any domestic manufacture. Any assertion that he made 
any other declaration is a deliberate perversion of his language. [Applause on 
the Republican side.] Now, I go further. I am unalterably opposed to the un- 
constitutional assumption upon the part of some gentlemen in the Republic that 
there is another body — and I refer to the executive as represented by the Senate 
— which has the power to change a single tariff schedule by the ratification of a 
reciprocity treaty. [Applause.] 

I believe that the control of the purse is the key to the liberties of the Ameri- 
can people, and I believe that the Constitution of the United States vested thd 
exclusive control of power to originate revenue legislation in this body, which is 
the direct representative of the people. {Prolonged applause.] I believe that 
v. hen the Senate acts in ratifying a treaty it acts in its executive, and not in its 
legislative capacity. I believe that the revision of a tariff schedule, or the change 
of a fiscal law, or its modification in any way is an act of legislation, and not an 
act of executive administration. 

I do not believe that negotiating an international contract which, except by an 
extraordinary use of language, is no part of the law of nations at all — simply a 
contract — can constitutionally change the fiscal policy of this country. 



DEFICIT— PANICS. 

Mr. Speaker, these are my views as to the principles on which tariff legisla- 
tion should be based. I believe that the House should preserve in this respect 
its rights, its privileges, its prerogatives. The right to amend fiscal schedules 
and enact tariff legislation is vested here by the Constitution — not necessarily 
because they are our privileges or our rights or our prerogatives, but because they 
are essential to the preservation of the rights and liberties of the people whom 
we represent. 

I want to say a few words about the results of these two policies as affecting 
this great country in which we live. My friend from New York [Mr. Cockran] 
said in his speech that deficit practically resulted in a panic. I would quote his 
language if I had it at hand. I want to call the attention of the gentlemen to 
the fact that he was in error when he suggested that there was a deficiency in 
the revenues of the Republic as compared with its expenditures prior to the ad- 
vent of the Democratic administration in 1892. I have here a list showing the 
deficiency of revenue during a term of years as compared with the expenditures; 
and there never was any deficiency of revenue as compared with expenditures 



15 

from 1865 down to 1893, the date of the advent of the Democratic Administra- 
tion. [Applause on the Republican side.] I agree with the gentleman that deficit 
Indicates panic, and therefore that surplus contraindicates panic — indicates pros- 
perity. I would be glad if I had the time to read the vigorous and expressive 
language that the gentleman uses in describing the results of such panics. 

A surplus indicates prosperity; and, if we take into account the unusual expen- 
ditures involved in the war with Spain, from 1902 until now we have had, and 
still have, a surplus indicating this prosperity. 

From July 1, 1893, to July 1, 189T, the interest-bearing debt increased $263,- 
333,030. From July 1, 1897, to July 1, 1903, five years, the interest-bearing debt 
increased only $83,704,310, although during that period the Spanish and Philippine 
wars were fought, at an expense variously estimated at from $500,000,000 to 
$700,000,000. 

The Cleveland Administration paid on the public debt only $13,400,047, while 
the McKinley Administration paid $113,000,000. The McKinley Administration 
refunded $445,940,750 at a rate of 3 per cent. — a rate unprecedented in 'financial 
history — and reduced the annual interest charges $4,518,355. 

For the four years ending June 30, 1897, our exports exceeded our imports only 
$701,859,558. During the five McKinley years thereafter the excess was $3,833,- 
840,666, or an average of $566,568,133 per year, the yearly average being only 
$135,391,435 less than the aggregate of four years under Cleveland. The excess 
under the Dingley tariff is more than the excess from 1790 to date of its enact- 
ment, five Dingley years being more than one hundred and eight preceding years. 

DEMOCRATIC DEFICIT: DISTRESS AND DISASTER. REPUBLICAN 
SURPLUS: PROSPERITY AND HAPPINESS. 

In thirty-five months under the Wilson bill, aided by a Democratic Administra- 
tion, the revenues showed a deficit as compared with the expenditures of $105,180,- 
701, as against an excess during a like period under the Dingley bill of $57,000,- 
000. In 1897 the net expense exceeded the net revenue $18,033,454. In 1901 the 
revenue exceeded the expenses $76,717,984. Do the gentlemen on the other side 
think that this aching void can be filled with rhetoric however brilliant or decla- 
mation however energetic and forceful? Democratic deficit, distress, and disaster. 
Republican surplus, prosperity, and happiness. This may have been the result 
of ignorance and incapacity, great errors of policy, but there is a disgraceful 
chapter in the history of the last Democratic Administration that can not be thus 
extenuated. 

If I had time, I should like to call attention in detail to the negotiation of that 
loan of $63,315,400, in 1895, for thirty years, at 4 per cent., by the Democratic 
Adminstration, with John G. Carlisle as Secretary of the Treasury, when he ne- 
gotiated to August Belmont and J. Pierpont Morgan, money changers in "Wail 
street, a loan of $63,313,400, when at the very time of its delivery it appears that 
they were receiving in premiums $10,000,000 profit out of the the Treasury of the 
United States. [Applause on the Republican side.] 

These are the figures, showing the dates of delivery of the loan that was sold 
at 1.04 1-3, showing the premium in excess of the sum paid by the syndicate, 
which the Government would have received if it had negotiated its own bonds. 



16 



Date of delivery 



March 18, 1895 

Ap.il, 1895 

July 29, 1895... 

Total..., 



Amount. 



$28,807,900 

2,319,800 

31,157,700 



$62,315,400 



Valua- 
tion. 



1.19% 

1.20% 
1.233^ 



Premium 

in excess o : 

1.0% 



84,429,214 00 

381,712.50 

5,919,963.00 



$10,730,889.50 



And yet my Democratic friends fay here thai they want to remove the Repub- 
lican party from power in order that they may deprive us of the ability to steal 
the revenues accumulated by the United States Government, when at that time 
and under those circumstances they delivered themselves body and soul, brains, 
blood, and bones into the hands of this money-changing syndicate and bartered 
which a Democratic Administration stood self-confessed as unable to do. Search 
the record of the Republican party in vain for the instance where it was obliged to 
supplicate private bankers to maintain the credit of the greatest people on earth. 
Now, for a moment, let me contrast that with the McKinley Administration, 
which negotiated a loan of $200,000,000 in 1898 on the threshold of what was ex- 
pected to be a vast war with Spain. 

It did not turn out to be, because it was simply a contest between the civiliza- 
tion of the sixteenth and the nineteenth centuries and it turned out that wherever 
the civilization of the sixteenth century met the civilization of the nineteenth, either 
upon land or upon sea, the older vanished before the new as the hoar frost vanishes 
before the rising morning sun. This $300,000,000 was negotiated at the rate of ?> 
per cent, for twenty years, negotiated to the American people, seven times over- 
subscribed, and in amounts largely from $20 to $500. This is the record of these 
two great parties. Blazon it. Proclaim it from the house tops. Tell it in the 
market places. "He that hath ears to hear let him hear." 

This is the record of these two great parties. These are their financial achieve- 
ments, and the results that we see around us every day are the results that have 
been distributed and disseminated through the Republic by the operation of these 
policies ; and when the arbitrament comes in November, what think you will be the 
judgment of the intelligent, law-abiding, God-fearing American people? t Will 
they say that the party whose power and control of the Republic has always 
been signalized by a long trail of destruction, devastation, distress, depression, 
and ruin shall be vested again with its control? I think not. 

On the contrary, I think they will say that the control of affairs shall remain 
in the hands of the great party, human though it may be, liable to mistakes though 
it may be, that has controlled and directed the mightiest Republic the world ever 
saw in its triumphal inarch along the great highway of nations, its progress signal- 
ized by a magnificent prosperity, unparalleled and unapproached since the morning 
steirs sang together, a progress attended by a grandeur, a glory, and a splendor 
that is at once the unbounded admiration and the helpless emulation of every 
other land that the sun shines on. [Prolonged applause on the Republican side] 



No. 13. 



FREE TRADE AND PROTECTION COMPARED. 

EXTRACTS 

From a 

SPEECH 

BY 

Hon. James T. McCleary 

OF MINNESOTA 

In the 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

Friday, April 22, 1904 



FROM THE. REMARKS OF 

HON. JAMES T. McCLEAHY 

OF MINNESOTA 



Mr. McCleatvy said: 

Mr. Speaker: Even protectionists sometimes say that while they do not believe 
in free trade as a practical policy they are willing to admit that it seems good in 
theory. 

FREE TRADE NOT EVEN GOOD THEORY. 

The saving word in that statement is the word "seems." In fact, free trade is 
not good even„in theory. Prima facie, no theory is good that does not "work." 
Without the demonstration it is at best simply a hypothesis. The late Hon. W. D. 
Kelley, of Pennsylvania, "Pig Iron" Kelley, so long an honored member of this 
House, well described free trade as "the science of assumptions." 

The first and fundamental fallacy of free trade as a theory is its lack of pa- 
triotism. It professes to entertain a broad hurnanitarianism. It prides itself 
on having as much consideration for people at the uttermost ends of the earth as 
it entertains for the people of its own country. Mr. Chairman, I would feel like 
doubting both the virtue and the good sense of any man who considered, or pro- 
fessed to consider, everyone as much entitled to his solicitude as the members of 
his own family. By law, both human and divine, a nation is a great family whose 
interests are directly interdependent. Protectionists take as the basis of their 
policy the Scriptural precept: "He that careth not for his own hath denied the 
faith and is worse than an infidel." 

The first duty of a nation is to be prepared at all times to defend its 
existence. Free trade, both as a theory and as a policy, would leave us utterly 
unprepared for war. Surely the people of the South should, through bitter ex- 
perience, have thoroughly learned this lesson. Wedded to slavery, they looked 
down on labor. They were the "consumers;" they had only contempt for "pro- 
ducers," and hence they thought only of getting manufactured goods as cheaply 
as possible. 

They had no desire to accept or enjoy the legitimate fruits of protection. In- 
deed, for nearly a generation before the breaking out of the civil war, except the 
four years from 1842 to 1846, this country had been dominated by the Southern 
idea of aversion to a protective tariff. When the Southern Confederacy was es- 
tablished it perpetuated its free-trade ideas by embodying in the Confederate 
constitution this provision: 

"Nor shall any duties or taxes on importations from foreign nations be laid to 
promote or to foster any branch of industry." 

On the other hand, just before the breaking out of the war the National Gov- 
ernment had enacted- the Morrill tariff law, which gave adequate protection to 
our industries. So that here we had a test of two theories as to tneir relative use- 
fulness in war. 



In this connection I quote the eloquent words of former Senator John P. Jones, 
of Nevada, in his great speech in the United States Senate in 1890 — one of the 
greatest speeches on the tariff ever delivered — entitled 

"SHALL THE REPUBLIC DO ITS OWN WORK?" 

"The most instructive lesson of American history — indeed, the most impressive 
economic lesson of all history — is that afforded in a great crisis by the -industrial 
impotence of our Southern States, resulting from their persistent neglect of the 
mechanical arts and of diversified industries. 

•'When the South declared war it was found that its people could create nothing 
of practical utility. Their orators and stump speakers, who led them into the 
war, could spin "yarns," but not of cotton; they could weave sentences, but not 
woolens. They could make speeches, but could not make engines. They could 
make verses, but not vestments. They could talk learnedly of the rights of man, 
but could not supply the wants of man. They could write flaming essays on 
courage, but could not make a gun or canister of powder. They could organize 
armies, but not industries. They could inspire their troops with enthusiasm, but 
could not supply them with blankets. 

"With all their cotton, they could not make a handkerchief. With quantities 
of sheep and all natural facilities for producing wool and turning it into cloth, 
they could not make a coat. With every opportunity for the establishment of 
manufactures, they could not make a needle, a knife, a bayonet, or a button. 
With ample natural resources, and with opportunities equal to those of the North, 
the people of the South, looking only to the moment and never to the morrow, 
permitted iron, coal, and other valuable minerals .in illimitable quantities to lie 
inert and useless in their fields. 

"They could produce nothing but the raw materials of agriculture, and but 
little variety even of those. Theirs was a civilization that 'disdained to be useful, 
and was content to be stationary.' 

"When, therefore, in the hour of their utmost need they wanted clothing, arms, 
munitions, and means of transportation, they were without factories, foundries, 
mills, machine shops, railroads, tools, and skilled workmen. Had it not been for 
their slaves they would have been without food. Their soldiers suffered for want 
of proper clothing, some of them even dying of cold, and many, especially toward 
the close of the war, wearing uniforms made from rag carpet. Like helpless abor- 
igines, they were obliged to look to their enemy for every resource of warfare. 

"But this was not because the people of the South were wanting in ability. 
It was not that they lacked great qualities, not that they were • destitute of the 
mental and physical characteristics of the great creative" race from which, in 
common with the people of the North, they had sprung and to which they belong. 
In every department of effort to which they had directed attention, they had dis- 
played all the ability characteristic of that race. They had the same innate quali- 
ties which all the people of that race possess, but the greatest of those qualities 
they never exercised. The creative and inventive faculties were never brought 
forth. 

"The lack of diversified industries is destructive in time of war, but, like the 
'dry rot,' it is none the less operative in time of peace and none the less certain 
to culminate in disaster. 

* * * * * * . * 

"The trouble with the South, Mr. President, was that in the case of its working 
classes the hand had been at work without the brain, and in the case of the in- 
tellectual classes the brain had been at work without the hand. One worked with- 
out thinking, and the other thought without working. 

At the North, on the contrary, the great bulk of the population had been work- 
ing, and to-day continue working with hand and brain in unison. The exact train- 
ing of the mechanic of the North, under conditions which, gave ample room for 
the expansion of his mind and the development of his intellect, had produced a 
race of mechanics who, compared with the mechanics of other countries, must be 
classed as intellectual athletes. These are the men who win wars — men of inge- 
nuity, of resource, of high intelligence, of physical strength, of undaunted courage. 
Those are the reliance of a nation in war, each other's best customers in peace. 



Those are the men who build up great communities. It is to those that the people 
of this country must look for their prosperity. 

"A nation that does not perform its own work and possess, in the body of its 
citizenship, the mental as well as physical force wherewith to carry on every pro- 
cess of industry, from the production of the raw material to the last stage of its 
development and transformation, will be the helpless prey of national marauders. 
Without mechanical and manufacturing resources and capacity, no people can 
maintain prosperity or independence. 

"Any nation that desired the mastership of the world could achieve supremacy 
without a'blow if the other nations of the earth would permit it to become their 
manufacturer. They would become powerless against it in war, as they would be 
tributary to and dependent upon it in peace. 

******* 

"A people, however brave, engaged exclusively in farming pursuits can never 
hope to cope with a people of the same origin whose diversified vocations enable 
them indefinitely to feed, clothe, and move' armies, overcome interior intrenched 
lines by concentrated systems of railway, and, through their large plants, organ- 
ized workshops, and independent army of skilled artisans, maintain supplies of 
improved and elaborate small-arms, artillery, and ammunition, and improvise in- 
genious and effective weapons and works of offense and defense. 

"The success of the North was due to the wise, patriotic, and far-sighteci policy 
of its people in adopting at the outbreak of the war the protective policy through 
which a wide diversity of industries was established and maintained. That policy 
they will continue and enlarge. But the lesson which history teaches of the de- 
feat and discomfiture of the South seems lost upon the survivors of the lost cause, 
whose clamor for a low tariff would, if successful, lay this whole country as pros- 
trate and helpless as they found their own States in 1865." 

In support of the view so admirably expressed by Senator Jones, the following 
extract from a book entitled 

"DESTRUCTION AND RECONSTRUCTION." 

The book was written by Richard Taylor, a son of President Zachary Taylor, 
and a lieutenant-general in the Confederate Army. Speaking of the difficulties 
encountered by the South in the war, General Taylor says: 

"We suffered less from inferiority of numbers than from want of mechanical 
resources. Most of the mechanics employed in the South were Northern men, 
and returned to -their section at the outbreak of the war. The loss of New Or- 
leans, our only large city, aggravated this trouble, and we had no means of re- 
pairing the long lines of railway, nor the plant. Even when unbroken by raids, 
wear and tear rendered them inefficient at an early period of the struggle. This 
had a more direct influence on the sudden downfall of the Confederacy than is 
generally supposed." 

Another fundamental fallacy of free trade is its inabilty to comprehend the 
truth that political independence can not become entirely secure without industrial 
independence. 

We declared our political independence in 1776. It took seven years of war to 
secure England's recognition of that independence. Why did the war last so 
long? Primarily because our industries had not been developed. With great and 
varied natural resources and the finest type of people, we had not been permitted 
to develop diversified industries. We had been compelled to remain producers of 
"raw material," and when the Revolutionary war broke out we found ourselves 
"poor indeed." 

We had comparatively few of the munitions of war, and, what was worse, we 
had not developed the facilities for producing them. Had it not been for the 
fact that England was at that same time engaged in war with France, Spain, and 
Holland, we should, probably have failed utterly, And why? For want p/ furik 



ities and developed skill to produce here what we needed. Whenever we think of 
the Revolutionary war, before our mental vision come pictures of the sufferings 
of our fathers from poverty and want. 

But after peace had been restored our people, for reasons indicated early in 
these remarks, declined to give to the Federal Government under the Articles of 
Confederation any power to regulate commerce among the States and with foreign 
nations. Eacli of the States regulated its own commerce and most of them had 
"free trade" with England. 

Bolle's standard Work on The Financial History of the United States (Volume 
II, page 437) says: 

"From 1783 to .1789 the trade of the thirteen old States was perfectly free to 
the whole world. The result was that Great Britain filled every section of our 
country with her manufactures of wool, cotton, linen, leather, iron, glass, and all 
other articles used here; and in four years she swept from the country every dol- 
lar and every piece of gold." 

From Hildreth's well-known History of the United States (Vol. Ill, p. 465) 
we get this picture of the situation: 

"The large importation of foreign goods, subject to little or no duty, and sold 
at peace prices, was proving ruinous to all those domestic manufactures and 
mechanical employments which the non-consumption agreements and the war had 
created and fostered. Immediately after the peace, the country had been flooded 
with imported goods, and debts had been unwarily contracted, for which there 
was no means to pay." 

In his great History of the Constitution (Vol. I, p. 432), Bancroft, speaking 
of this same period, says: 

"It is certain that the English have the trade of these States almost wholly in 
their hands, whereby their influence must increase, and a constantly increasing . 
scarcity of money begins to be felt, since no ship sails hence to England without 
large sums of money on board, especially the English packet boats, which monthly 
take with them between forty and fifty thousand pounds sterling. * * * 

"The scarcity of money makes the produce of the country cheap, to the dis- 
appointment of the farmers and the discouragement of husbandry. Thus the 
two classes, merchants and farmers, that divide nearly all America, are discon- 
tented and distressed." 

Senator Galtikger, of New Hampshire, in his great speech, "American Tariffs 
from Plymouth Rock to McKinley," well says, in speaking of conditions at that 
time: 

"Free trade was the starting point. It was quickly followed by imports largely 
in excess of exports; then by a glut of foreign productions; then by suspension 
of our own manufactures of all kinds ; then by a gradual but complete loss of all 
our specie; then by the necessary stoppage of most of our business; then by the 
enforced idleness of our laborers and artisans; then by universal debt; then by a 
crushing depreciation of real estate; then by a positive inability on the part of 
nearly everybody to pay their debts; then by general distress and financial ruin; 
and finally, by insurrections and rebellions which threatened destruction to the 
life and liberties of the nation. 

" 'As this was the closest approach to absolute free trade ever tried by this 
country, so there was the largest harvest of dangers and calamities ever experi- 
enced by the American people." (Mason.) 

It began to look as if our hard-won political independence would be lost again. 
It became evident to the thoughtful and farsighted, such as Washington, Madison, 
John Adams, and others, that if the United States was to survive as a nation 
another plan of union must be adopted, one in which, for the general good, the 



6 

power to regulate commerce among the States and with foreign nations should 
he intrusted to the General Government. 

This was one of the chief reasons why we abandoned the Articles of Confeder- 
ation and adopted our present Constitution. 

And, it will be remembered, that the first Congress under the Constitution 
promptly passed a tariff having for one of its avowed purposes "the encour- 
agement and protection of manufactures." 

No wonder the people called that act "Our second Declaration of Independence.*' 

And, yet, notwithstanding such experiences, our Democratic brethren, who talk 
so much about the Constitution and who — sincerely, no doubt — profess so much 
devotion to its principles, "seem now willing to abandon the very purposes for which 
it was "ordained and established." 

To maintain our political independence it may be necessary at any time to de- 
fend ourselves against hostile armies and navies. We are now so powerful and 
so far removed from other great nations, that there would seem to be little danger 
of our getting into war. But no one can guarantee us continued peace. In 1806 
or 1897 who would have dared to predict that within a year or two we would be 
engaged in a foreign war? It came in 1898 like a thunderclap from a clear sky. 

How shall we prepare for such a possibility? Shall we go on heedless of what 
may come? Shall we depend on buying from foreign countries in the hour of 
need our munitions of war? What if the country from which we expect to buy 
should prove to be our antagonist? Shall we buy in advance and store the things 
we may need? If so, how much shall we buy, and how long will it be before our 
purchases have become obsolete? Or would it # be wiser to develop our own re- 
sources and train our own people in making Avhat we need? If so, why not de- 
velop also those resources and train those faculties in times of peace? 

"FREE TRADE" WOULD HAVE US SATISFIED TO ACQUIRE THE 

ARTICLE; PROTECTION DEMANDS THAT WE * 

ACQUIRE THE ART. 

• 
As a matter of fact, in 1898 we were very poorly prepared for war; but with 

our great resources of material and skilled mechanics we soon got ready. AVe do 

not need a large standing army so long as we keep up the high standard among 

our workingmen. They and their skill to "do things ,, constitute our best 

"reserves." 

This suggests another fundamental fallacy of "free trade" both as a theory and 
as a policy, namely, that it overestimates the worth of things and underestimates 
the worth of men; it reaches for the article but spurns the artisan. Protection, 
on the other hand, cares, first of all, for the artisan, knowing that with him the 
country will get both the art in its highest form and the article on the most favor- 
able terms. ' 

In the eloquent words of Senator Jones, in the speech before referred to: 

4 

"Free trade would banish those establishments and would exchange skilled me- 
chanics for cheap doorknobs or cheap cutlery. It would reject the knowledge of 
useful arts in order to save for the moment a few cenN a yard on woolen cloth 
or cotton ties or a few cents a pound on tin plate. Protection secures the arts 
and protects the artists. It transforms ignorance into knowledge, indifference 
into zeal, inertia into activity, impotence into power. 

* * ' * * * * * 

"In none of this work would free trade aid or encourage us. On the contrary, 
its motto is to buy wherever it may buy cheapest to-day, without regard to the 
future or to the country in which it buys. It is distinctly founded on individual 



selfishness. It looks only to the temporary advantage of the individual, and takes 
no thought for the future or for the community. The protective policy is founded 
on a higher form of selfishness, the selfishness of the nation, which is but another 
name for patriotism. 

"Free trade brings the watch, protection brings the watchmaker; free trade 
brings the machine, protection the machinist; free trade brings the engine, pro- 
tection the engineer. Given the men, we can not lack the machines. Having the 
art, we shall not want for the article. Possessing the producer, we shall not want 
for the product. Between them, who shall hesitate as to which is the more valu- 
able to the country ? Men found communities, machines do not; men constitute 
a society, machines do not." » 

Among the other numerous, faults and fallacies of free trade, both as a theory 
and as a policy in this country, is its utter lack of harmony with American ideals. 

Listen to a free trader making an argument. Whom does he appeal to, and 
how? There is no accident about the fact that his appeal is always to the "con- 
sumer" and never to the "producer." There is no accident about the fact that the 
one purpose of his life seems to be to buy things cheap. 

"The leopard can not change his spots, nor the Ethiopian his skin." This in- 
stinctive attitude of the free trader brands his theory as having had its origin in 
a state of society where producers were looked down upon as not worth consider- 
ing; where the "consumers" were those who "toiled not, neither did they spin." 

The theory had its origin in a state of society founded on class distinctions, 
where some were born to rule and others to toil; where the industrial end aimed 
at was cheap goods to the rulers — the "consumers" — and to that end to the toiler 
low wages — or none at all. What more natural, then, that free traders should 
be more than willing that our "producers" should have to meet in "free" competi- 
tion, on absolutely equal terms, the lowest-paid workers of the world? 

PROTECTION OUR PROPER PERMANENT POLICY. 

Protection, on the other hand, is based on the fundamental American idea of 
opposition to class distinctions. Protection is founded on the idea of the real 
and inherent dignity of labor directed with intelligence to a worthy end. Pro- 
tection recognizes usefulness as the supreme badge of nobleness. 

President Roosevelt struck the keynote of the whole matter when he said at Min- 
neapolis on April 4, 1903: 

"This country has avid this country needs better paid, better educated, better 
fed, and better clothed workingmen, of a higher type than are to be found in any 
foreign country. It has and it needs a higher, more vigorous, and more prosper- 
ous type of tillers of the soil than is possessed by any other country." 

Protection takes into consideration the entire sweep of history. It sees man 
in his beginnings in Asia, under the oriental idea of master and slave — few mas- 
ters and many slaves. Protection recalls the movement of man toward the west,' 
into Europe. For "the people" the movement was "westward and upward," until, 
on some islands just off the west coast of the continent of Europe, popular sov- 
ereignty, after various struggles with the throne, established human liberty and 
intrenched it in wisely ordained principles of law. 

Mr. Chairman, from my boyhood up history and the problems of government 
have been my favorite studier. They have been to me a lifelong labor of love. 
And it does seem to me, sir, that a careful student of history can scarcely fail 
to be impressed with the idea tVit He who holds the fate of nations in the hollow 
of His "hand has, from the beginning of human life on this globe, had a special 
purpose to serve by' and through this beloved country of ours. 



8 

Think of our location and the territory that we occupy! Here we are in the 
north temperate zone, the zone of the highest possibilities of civilization, removed 
alike from the heat of the Torrid Zone, which undermines ambition, and the cold 
of the Frigid Zone, which" renders it fruitless. Here we are with national limits 
inclosing the most fertile of lands, the greatest of forests, the richest of mines — 
with natural resources practically boundless. 

Then look at our people. Who are they? In the main, our people are those 
from other lands, or their descendants, most characterized by loftiness of aim 
and sturdiness of purpose. In the main, the people who have come to our shores 
have belonged neither to the class enervated by wealth and station nor to the 
opposite class whose spirits have been broken by want. Our country has been 
the land of promise to those who have determined to establish a home and who 
have had the courage to break away from old associations — sacred though they 
be — and make the dangerous voyage across the sea to accomplish their purpose. 

Think, Mr. Chairman, how old humanity was before this nation was permitted 
to be established ! Think how much of training the world was required to pass 
through before ttiis experiment in government was permitted to be tried ! 

Why, Mr. Chairman, this country and its institutions are the fruitage of the 
ages. Here, in a country separated from all other great nations by the broad 
waters of the oceans, it has been ordained shall be wrought out the highest and 
noblest problems of human existence. We owe it not only to ourselves, but to 
the rest cf the world — yea, to Him who has given us this opportunity — we owe 
it ^o every consideration that can move men to lofty aim and earnest endeavor 
not to permit any lowering of our standard of life and of purpose. 

Mr. Chairman, suppose two tanks of water on the ground side by side, 
one comparatively small, the other very large. Suppose that the water in 
the smaller tank stands considerably higher than the water in the larger 
tank. Now connect them with a pipe so that the water can flow freely 
between them. What will he the result? The water will soon be at the 
same level in the two tanks. But note, the water in the small tank will 
have been lowered greatly, while the water in the large tank will not 
have been raised appreciably! 

The lesson is obvious. This country of 80,000,000 inhabitants conta'ns 
only one-twentieth of the people of the world. Free trade would be like 
the pipe connecting the two tanks of water — it would at once begin to 
equalize conditions here and elsewhere. But, Mr. Chairman, while we 
would go down a long ways, the rest of the world would not be raised 
materially by the process. 

No, Mr. Chairman; free trade would level down; protection is determined to 
level up. Protection recognizes fully its proper duty to humanity at large, for 
it recognizes the value of leadership and the worth »of example. Humanity is not 
inert like water, but is endowed with the God-like trinity of powers — intellect, sen- 
sibility, and will. Not by debasing' ourselves shall our service to the world at large 
be performed, but "acting well our part" in every sphere of our national duly. 
Then the peoples of the world, knowing what we are accomplishing, inspired by 
our example, will "highly resolve" to emulate our good works. 

So, Mr. Chairman, for the sake of the people of other lands as well as of our 
own, we must at all hazards preserve and continue to exalt our high standard of 
living — material, mental, and moral. From whatever standpoint we look at the 
matter and by whatever standard we determine our path of national dyty, we 
find it best to remain true to the proposition that "the work of America must 



9 

be done by the sons and daughters of America." And to that end we 
should definitely fix as our proper permanent policy that of amply ade- 
quate protection to American industry. 

As I pointed out at the beginning of these remarks, we have a tariff because 
this is a Federal Republic in which local government, and consequently direct 
property taxation, are left to the several States, while international affairs and 
indirect taxation belong to the General Government. This Union of the Ameri- 
can States on the principles of our Constitution is, in my deliberate judgment, 
the most valuable secular possession of the world to-day. Hundreds of thousands 
of human lives and thousands of millions of hard-earned treasure were freely 
offered and expended for its preservation, but it is worth infinitely more than it 
has cost. 

Were it not for the incalculable value of this "indestructible Union of inde- 
structible States," with its unequaled wedding of liberty with security, and the 
necessary consequence of raising a large part of our national revenues through 
duties on imports, I am frank to say that in my deliberate judgment it would be 
best for us to prohibit entirely the importation of all articles the like of which 
we can produce in this country economically and in sufficient quantities to 
supply the wants of our people. 

This being impracticable for the reason just indicated, the next wisest course 
would be to place the tariff on such articles just enough below the line of abso- 
lute prohibition to permit enough importation to produce from the tariff the 
revenue required by the United States Government "economically administered." 
That is, sir, it should be- placed at the rate which would produce the maximum of 
revenue with the minimum of imports. 

Mr. Chairman, we who thoroughly believe in protection are reluctant to see a 
single day's work for Americans done elsewhere than here in America. 

We stand by the proposition that the people of the United States can 
do their own work, fight their own battles, solve their own problems. 

In our judgment, sir, nothing is cheap to the people of the United States 
which leaves our own resources undeveloped and our own people unem- 
ployed. 

Free trade looks abroad for its products and for its safety; protection 
knows that both can best be secured at home. 

Free trade would have us depend on others; protection thinks it wiser 
to depend on ourselves. 

Free trade thinks that wealth is created by trading; protection knows 
that it results from producing. 

Free trade would have us content to buy things; protection would have 
us cultivate the ability to make things. 

Free trade fears that if the rest of the world were blotted out, this 
country would be unable to survive; protection has faith that we would 
still move on, practically undisturbed, and achieve a glorious destiny. 

Free trade, in the last analysis, is based on shortsighted individual 
selfishness; protection is based on that larger and wiser selfishness that 
we call patriotism. 

THE GREAT BASES OF PROTECTION. 

A recent article in the San Francisco Chronicle states the whole fundamental 
doctrine of protection so briefly yet clearly that T can not forbear quoting from 
it. as follows: 



10 

"The economic policy knoVn as protection is a cooperative agreement enacted 
into law whereby by means of duties on imports reasonable protection from the 
competition of foreigners is assured within the protected area to all domestic in- 
dustries which, under such protection, are capable of supplying the home market. 
Its justification is economic and social; economic in that it conserves the natural 
resources of the land, avoids the waste of unnecessary carriage, and makes the 
nation self-sufficing, and therefore able in peace or war to support its population 
in comfort without regard to other nations; social in. that it tends to maintain 
for future generations that standard of comfort which is the national ideal. 

Protection is strictly national and can be nothing else, because national areas 
are essential to its effective operation and because nothing less than national 
authority will suffice for its enforcement. Conversely, the protected area must 
be coterminous with the national jurisdiction, because otherwise the law protects 
one part of the people against the competition of another part, and is therefore 
unjust. Within the 'protected area competition is unlimited. 

"If under the protection of the tariff, effective combinations are in any case 
able to oppress — a condition which can only occasionally arise — it is a matter for 
regulation by domestic. law. 

"Protection must be impartial for all industries worthy of protection. When 
the protection of any worthy industry is impaired those concerned with that in- 
dustry are made economic foreigners, forcibly expelled from the economic body 
politic, condemned, if they remain in that industry, to standards of life below the 
national ideal. 

"Of necessity they become economic enemies of their protected fellow-citizens, 
and for their own protection must unite with other outside interests to break down 
the protective wall. The victims of "reciprocity" dickers drift naturally into the 
free-trade camp. If compelled to sell cheap they want to buy cheap. If forced 
to a lower standard of life they have no interest in maintaining a higher standard 
for those who were the cause of their own degradation. * * * 

"The power of protection to affect the lives of mankind varies with the Size 
and diversity of the protected area. Small countries which can not become self- 
sufficing may be compelled to sacrifice something which they might have in order 
to obtain other things which they must have. Germany is an example of a coun- 
try which would be strictly protectionist, but is compelled to make reciprocity 
trades. France is the most nearly self-sufficing country of Europe, but it cannot 
produce cotton. Russia, when fully developed, will be self-sufficing, and we may 
be sure will be rigidly protectionist. Of all the nations in the world, the United 
States alone is absolutely self-sufficing. * * * 

"With such a basis foreign trade is merely the outlet for the comparatively 
small surpluses at a profit, or a loss, as circumstances may permit. In this happy 
position the United States now stands. The business affairs of its people are 
adjusted to existing conditions. We are at the pinnacle of present material pros- 
perity. We command the sources of immeasurable opportunity. All that we need 
to do is to stand fast where we are and resolutely refuse to fritter our advan- 
tages away." 

RECIPROCITY. 

Our Democratic brethren seem quite taken just now with what my friend from 
Missouri, Mr. Clark, calls "genuine reciprocity." But under the tariff policy ad- 
vocated by my friend no such thing as reciprocity is logically possible. 

Under his proposal of seven years ago, when he declared that he would tear 
down all custom-houses "from turret -to foundation stone," of course it is entirely 
plain that, having no such thing as a tariff at all, it would be impossible to make 
tariff concessions to the people of any other country. 

My friend has recently declared on this floor that he now regards his position 
expressed in 1897 as being, under existing circumstances, "theoretical" and not 
practical. I understand that now he favors a tariff for revenue only. Under such 
a tariff system, as explained near the beginning of these remarks, such tariff as 
we laid would be entirely on articles the like of which we do not and can not pro- 
duce, such as tea and cdffee. 

Willi the necessity for taxing to the limit the comparatively few non-competing 



11 

articles that we import in large quantities in order to raise the required revenues, 
and with competing articles admitted free of duty — as in England, where Brother 
Clark's tariff ideas are in actual operation — what opportunity would there be for 
reciprocal arrangements with any foreign country? As a matter of fact, sir, 
under a system of "tariff for revenue only" reciprocity is both logically and prac- 
tically impossible! 

This was conceded by Lord Salisbury, then prime minister of England, in a 
speech at Hastings, England, in May, 1892, when he said: 

"We live in an age of a war of tariffs. Every nation is trying how it can, by 
agreement with its neighbor, act the greatest possible protection for its own in- 
dustries, and at the same time the greatest possible access to the markets of its 
neighbors. 

"The weapon with which they all light is admission to their own markets — that 
is to say, A says to B, 'If you will make your duties such that I can sell in your 
.markets I will make my duties such that you can sell in my market.' 

"But we begin by saying we will levy no duties on anybody, and we declare 
that it would be contrary and disloyal to the glorious and sacred doctrine of 
free trade to levy an\ r duty on anvbodv for the sake of what we can get by ft. 
[Cheers.] 

"It may be noble, but it is not business. [Loud cheers. ]" 

But a tariff for revenue with inadequate protection js the same in its results 
as a tariff for revenue only; that is, the foreign producer in either case, with his 
lower priced labor and with tools such as we have taught the world to make, can 
undermine and destroy American competition and dominate the American market. 
So why should he make any sacrifice to us as to his home market, w r hen, with an 
inadequate tariff in this country, he would already have all tJhat he could ask? 

So that from any view point there is logically no place under Democratic policy 
for reciprocity of any kind, "genuine" or otherwise. 

Why, then, do our Democratic brethren talk in favor of reciprocity? The mo- 
tive is shown in the magazine article of my friend Mr. Williams, the Democratic 
leader on this floor, to which I referred earlier in these remarks. In that article 
— the one with the significant title "What Democracy now stands for'' — he says: 

"There is also a tariff revision by 'piecemeal, which is the handmaiden of the 
other system. It is very important in its place, although it ought never to be 
permitted to handicap the larger movement by general legislation. This is tariff 
revision by reciprocal 9 trade ayreements with other nations." 

So, frankly — and one reason for the regard in which Mr. Williams is held on 
both sides of this Chamber is his entire frankness — the leader of Democracy in 
this House, and practically its leader in the entire country, states that Democratic 
talk about reciprocity is simply to use what seems at this time a popular demand" 
as a basis for the revision of the present tariff law. 

Do Democrats really care for reciprocity? Listen to what was said of it in the 
official Democratic campaign text-book in 1902: 

"Reciprocity is based upon the same false theories as is protection, and, like 
protection, is a sham and a humbug, and to most people has been, and will ever 
continue to be, a delusion and a snare." 

Taking all these things together we get an insight into the entire purpose of our 
Democratic brethren in talking about reciprocity. To them it is simply a flank 
movement against adequate protection to American industries. 

That this is the real animus of the whole business is shown in the following from 
the magazine article of Mr. Williams of Mississippi, before referred to: 

"The general principle that protectionism is wrong, morally wrong, a prostitu- 



12 

tion of government to private ends, should never be forgotten. The goal ought not 
to be lost sight of." 

What is the Republican position on this matter of reciprocity? It is clearly set 
forth in the Republican national platform of 1900, as follows: 

"We favor the associated policy of reciprocity, so directed as to open our 
markets on favorable terms for vjhi.il we do not ourselves produce, in return for 
free foreign markets." • 

An example of Republican reciprocity was seen in our arrangement with Brazil 
under the McKinley law. Brazil produces coffee, which we do not and can not 
produce economically and in sufficient quantities to supply any considerable frac- 
tion of the wants of our people. So we said to Brazil: "Admission to the great 
market of the United States for your chief export is a very valuable thing for 
you. Grant to our agricultural and other products terms that our President shall 
deem reciprocally equal or we authorize him to place on your coffee, by Executive 
proclamation, a duty of three cents per pound. Then, with the coffee of other 
coffee-producing countries admitted here free, in accordance with our general 
policy, your Brazilian coftee producers will not be able, under such competition, 
to pass the duty on to the consumer, but will have to pay it yourselves, reducing 
your profits to that extent." 

Under such representation Brazil promptly and cheerfully entered into an 
agreement with this country which promised to be mutually profitable. Under 
that agreement our wheat and wheat flour, corn and corn meal, rye, rye flour, 
buckwheat, buckwheat flour, barley, potatoes, beans, pease, hay, oats, pork, and 
several other things were admitted to Brazil free of duty, while lard, butter, 
cheese, canned and preserved meats, fruits and vegetables, and many other things 
were admitted at a reduction of 25 per cent, from the regular rates. Under this 
agreement our people were increasing their sales in Brazil and the outlook was that 
the arrangement would prove mutually satisfactory to both countries. 

Similar arrangements were made with several other countries of Central and 
South America — the countries that James G. Blaine was so especially anxious to 
reach with our trade as affording our most promising outlet. In fact, it was 
under his guidance as Secretary of State that these treaties were entered into. 

But in 1893, by a strange whim of the people, the Democratic party came into 
power and, without even the courtesy of reasonable notice x>r a word of explana- 
tion, abruptly abrogated all those reciprocity agreements. 

So it will hardly come with good grace from them now to mention reciprocity, 
"genuine" or otherwise. Their theory is incompatible with it and their practice 
unfriendly to it. 

These agreements illustrate the only kind of reciprocity ever advocated by the 
Republican party or by any recognized leader of it. They were negotiated under 
the McKinley law of 1890 and well illustrate what our martyred President meant 
when, at Buffalo, he said: 

"By sensible trade arrangements, wJiich will not interrupt our home production, 
we shall extend the outlets for our increasing surplus. * * * We should take 
from our customers such of their products as we can use without harm to our 
industries and labor. Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful in- 
dustrial development tinder the domestic policy now firmly established." 

But no Republican national convention ever declared for "reciprocity" in com- 
peting products, nor did any recognized leader of the party ever seriously advo- 
cate such a thing. To do that would be to sacrifice the interests of some of our 
own people to the interests of others of our own people, which would be entirely 
out of harmony with the spirit and purpose of a protective tariff. 



FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC PRICES OF GOODS. 

In ihe effort to undermine the confidence of the American people in the opera- 
•loiis of the Dingley Act much will be said in the coming campaign to the effect 
that goods are sold by American manufacturers in foreign markets cheaper than 
at home. Much will, of course, be made of the little amount of truth contained 
in this assertion. Let us examine this matter and see how much weight should be 
attached to it. 

It used to be claimed by the opponents of protective tariff that under its opera- 
tions it would be impossible for us to make any headway in selling our manufac- 
tured goods in the markets of the world. On page 538 of the latest statistical ab- 
stract of the United States is a table showing the progress of the United States 
in its material industries. From this table I take the following figures: 

In the year 1800 our export of domestic manufactures amounted to $2,493,755, 
or 7.83 per cent of our total exports. In 1860 our exports of manufactures had 
grown to $40,345,892, or 12.76 per cent, of our total exports. Protectionists take 
pride in the fact that in 1903 we exported manufactured goods to the amount of 
$407,526,159, or 29.28 per cent, of our total exports. 

Mr. Chairman, protectionists may well find a source of pride in this exhibit of 
the result of forty years of a protective tariff, uninterrupted save by the four 
years from 1893 to 1897. We rank third among the nations of the earth in the 
value of our exports of manufactured goods. In this respect Great Britain is still 
far in the lead, with exports of manufactured goods amounting to over $1,000,000,- 
000. Germany is second, with exports of something over $700,000,000. And by the 
way, Mr. Chairman, the enormous exports of these two countries should serve us as 
a warning that v:e can not trifle with the situation. Open the gate but a little way, 
and with the sagacity and enterprise for which they are famous, they will enter in 
and undermine our industries. 

It is a matter for just pride, Mr. Chairman, that we have so greatly increased" 
the amount of the manufactured goods which we export, and those who believe hi 
the Dingley bill can point with pride to the fact that under its operation the value 
of our manufactured goods exported has, in seven years, 'practically doubled. 

But, Mr. Chairman, there is another fact in this connection that is of immensely 
greater importance than the one which I have cited. 

According to the census of 1900 the total value of the goods manufactured in 
the United States in that year was a little over $13,000,000,000. In the year 1900 
we exported from the United States $433,851,756 worth of manufactured goods; 
that is, Mr. Chairman, we exported 3 per cent, of what we produced. The stu- 
pendous fact, Mr. Chairman, the fact which we must not lose sight of nor fail 
to estimate the importance of, is the fact that out of the entire $13,000,000,000 
worth of goods manufactured in the United States our own people have been able 
to use or keep 97 per cent. Why, Mr. Chairman, rather than let go of the condi- 
tions under which such a mighty result has been accomplished we could well afford, 
if necessary, to throw the other 3 per cent, into the ocean ! 

But we have not thrown it into the ocean. The goods have been sold in foreign 
lands. Even if they had all been given away or sold for less than the selling price 
at home, that fact would be of small relative importance. But instead of being 
sold at smaller prices than at home, more than 90 per cent, of them were sold as 
high or higher in foreign lands than in the United States. 

In the summer of 1901 I spent several months in Europe investigating condi- 
tions, One of the lines of my investigation was this very one of prices of Ameri- 
f in gQG&s »t- k° me §?!$ abroad, |n diff$r@ut cities in \h§ \m r countries, visited, $ 



14 

made it a point to go into stores and, as a possible customer, ask the prices of 
articles with whose prices at home I was familiar. Practically without exception 
I found the prices of American goods higher everyivhere in Europe than in the 
United States. 

And wherever the price was lower there was always a good reason for it. For 
instance, in Scotland I found a man who had just bought a new McCorinick binder, 
I asked him how much he paid for it. He said £19, about $95 in our money. In- 
asmuch as a new McCormick binder would cost in Minnesota about $130, I made 
investigation to ascertain why and how he was able to buy such a binder for what 
was apparently less than the Minnesota price. It soon developed that while the 
machine was new, that is, while it had never been used, it had been made in lc97 
(a model then four years old in the United States) and could have been bought 
in Minnesota for $85! 

Mr. Chairman, careful statistics have been gathered on this subject of the prices 
of American manufactured goods abroad and at home. These statistics show that 
of the stupendous amount of manufactured goods produced in the United States, 
97 per cent, is -consumed in the United States. They show also that of the 3 per 
cent, sold abroad, more than 90 per cent, is sold as high or higher than at home, 
and that less than 10 per cent, of that which is shipped abroad is sold for a lower 
price than at home. 

In order that we may see the point more clearly, let us think of it in 
another way. Of every $100 worth of manufactured goods produced in 
the United States we consume at home $97 worth. Of the $3 worth 
shipped abroad more than 90 per cent is sold as high or higher than at 
home. That accounts for $2.70 worth more, or $99.70 worth of the 
goods in all. That leaves less than 30 cents' worth sold abroad lower 
than at home. Democratic statesmanship invites us to let go of the 
$99.70 worth in order to get a chance at a part of the 30 cents' worth! 

Mr. Chairman, let us now look for a moment at this little 30-cent business, of 
which our Democratic brethren will undoubtedly try to make much. 

The sale of a portion of our products abroad at a reduced price is not at all a 
question of the tariff. It is a mere question of business. Great Britain, with her 
so-called "free-trade,'' always has practiced that policy and does to-day. The ad- 
vice of Lord Brougham in 1816, which I quoted earlier in my remarks, is to the 
point. Some of these sales are for 'the purpose of getting rid of out-of-daUs 
goods; some of them are for the sake of getting rid of a temporary surplus, so 
that the factories may not be closed down; some of them are due to the fact that 
the sales are cash sales and in considerable quantities; some of them are due tc 
the struggle for a new market — that is, every one of these sales is made for a 
purely business reason, wholly disconnected from our having or not having a pro- 
tective tariff. 

But, Mr. Chairman, whatever may- be said on this subject, let us not forget that 
the whole thing is relatively only a "thirty cent" matter, and that in whatever con- 
sideration we may give it we must not lose sight of the fact that under our pro- 
tective system our people have grown so enormously in their power to consume, 
they are so well housed, so well clothed, so well fed, and have and enjoy so many 
of the comforts of life, that we use here at home 97 per cent, of our entire manu- 
factured product! 

According to MulhalFs (English) Dictionary of Statistics, the people of the 
United Stales manufacture about one-third of all the goods manufactured in the 
world. It can readily be seen, therefore, how valuable a thing our home market is 



15 

and therefore how exceedingly careful we should be to protect it and defend it 

in the interests of our own people. Those who would have us chase after foreign 
markets at the risk of losing our own, forget, if they ever knew, that the internal ^ 
commerce of the United States amounts to more than twice as much p,ach year 
as the international commerce of all the rest of the world put together! Let us 
not be beguiled, Mr. Chairman, into forgetting this fact, the most important fact 
connected with this whole question. 

Our market,, Mr. Chairman, is the cream of the earth. You can't enrich cream 
by adding skim milk to it! 

THE FARMER'S INTEREST IN PROTECTION. 

Protection is a system. It is intended to be helpful to all industries in all sec- 
tions of the country. 

But of all classes of our people those who have the most permanent interest in 
protection are the farmers. They secure benefit both directly and indirectly. The 
direct benefit comes from the immediate protection of their individual products. 

In 1816 England removed the direct protection to her agricultural interests. 
Let us see the result. In 1851 the number of persons engaged in agriculture in 
England and Wales was 1,676,900. Fifty years later, in 1901, the number of per- 
sons so engaged was 981,633. These are the official census figures. Thus we see 
that the number of persons engaged in agriculture under "free trade" has fallen 
almost 50 per cent, in those fifty years. By way of contrast, look at Germany. 
Before the adoption of her protective tariff the farmers of Germany had to look 
abroad for a market for their wheat and many other food products. In 1875 
Germany "shipped to Great Britain 11,000,000 bushels of wheat. To-day she is 
using her entire wheat product at home. 

Under the Wilson Act the tariff on barley coming into the United States was 
materially reduced, and our farmers will recall that during those years the price 
of barley under Canadian competition was ruinously low. Under the Dingley Act 
barley has had adequate protection, and the prices under the Dingley Act have 
been much higher than under the Wilson Act. 

But the indirect benefit to the farmer is by far the most important. Under a 
system of adequate protection our industries are diversified. Opportunity is 
afforded for the development of all our resources of material and all the various 
talents of our people. The more these industries are diversified the fewer the 
competitors of the farmer and the more the consumers of his products. The 
nearer the factory is to the farm the greater becomes the diversity of the farm 
product, because there is thus provided a market for products which are perish- 
able in their nature and can not be shipped long distances. 

The nearer the factory is to the farm, the higher the price of farm products and 
the lower the price of the things the farmer has to buy. The more we increase our 
manufacturing industries and the greater becomes the number of persons engaged 
therein the greater becomes the market for the farmer's produces. 

And remembering that the amount of our arable land is limited, the tendency 
under our protective tariff is to furnish at home a more and more complete 
market for all that the farmer produces, so that the amount that has to be shipped 
abroad will be growing less and less and his home market will be more and more 
valuable and secure. 

In the language of Benjamin Franklin, the patriot and philosopher — 

"Every manufacture encouraged in our own country makes a home market and 
saves so much money to the country that must otherwise be exported. In England 



16 

it is well known that whenever a manufactory is established which employs A 
number of hands it raises the value of the land in the neighboring country all 
around it, partly by the greater demand near at hand for the products of the land 
'and partly by the increase of money drawn by the manufactures to that place. 
It seems, therefore, to the interest of all our farmers and owners of land to en- 
courage home manufacturcs # in preference to foreign ones imported from different 
countries." 

Quoting again from that great speech of Senator Jones, which every intelligent 
American citizen should read and study: 

"According as we increase the numbers of our skilled workmen, we do not di- 
minish the number of farmers. As we diminish the number of skilled workmen 
we increase the number of farmers. When the farmer's occupation is invaded 
he has no recourse. Not being a skilled mechanic he can not in turn invade some 
other occupation. All mechanics can become farmers without preparatory train- 
ing; no farmer can become a mechanic without such training. When we shall 
possess the utmost diversity and multiplication of industries, therefore, we shall 
have comparatively fewer farmers and a relatively greater number engaged in 
skilled industries. 

"The trend of population from farming to industrial pursuits will then have 
a tendency to make manufactured articles relatively cheaper and farm products 
relatively dearer. The farmer, therefore, has everything to gain by a policy which 
induces the people of this country to do all their own work. 

"Instead of precipitating increased numbers into farming by lowering the tariff 
and reducing the numbers employed in the workshops, if we can succeed by a high 
tariff in widening our industrial development and rendering it unnecessary for 
our skilled workmen to have recourse to the land, our natural increase of popu- 
lation will in a few years enable our factories to consume all the products of our 
farms. 

"Had the protective policy been adopted a quarter of a century sooner than 
it was the entire country would now be dotted with manufacturing centers, not 
merely cities separated by long distances, but busy towns and villages a few miles 
apart, in which the farmers of the neighborhood would find ready and remuner- 
ative markets. In other words, in a properly adjusted system of industries the 
farms would feed the factories and the factories would consume all the products 
of the farms. 

"There would then be no overproduction of farm products for export; the 
"home" market (in the strict sense of the term) would consume all that would 
be produced, and the farmers would have the benefits and profits coming from 
direct sales to consumers, without the intervention of brokers, commission mer- 
chants, railroad magnates, and the army of middlemen who now appropriate what 
under a better system would be the farmer's profits. The delay in the adoption 
of a distinctly protective policy postponed till the coming generation that full- 
ness of development and that variety of industry which, if a strong tariff be main- 
tained, we shall at no distant day secure. 

"Any reduction of the tariff, therefore, which throws factory operatives out 
of employment must result in throwing men out of employment on railroads, 
steamships, and in city stores and offices. The products of factory labor, being no 
longer transported, will require no merchants to "place" them, no salesmen to in- 
duce customers in city stores to buy them, no bookkeepers or clerks to keep ac- 
count of them; nor, indeed, will the city store itself be required in which to ex- 
pose them for sale Thus the politician who formulates a tariff bill which results 
in closing up a factory in the remotest corner of the Union or reduces the reason- 
able profit of its business is but touching the electric button that rings the alarm 
in every ;ron;H' of labor throughout the land and loudest of all in the open high- 
way, where every fanner may hear." 



No. 16 



COMPARISON OF ESTIMATED EXPENDITURES WITH APPROPRI- 
ATIONS AND ACTUAL EXPENDITURES." 



REMARKS 

OF 

SENATOR NELSON W. ALDRICH 

OF 

RHODE ISLAND 

IN THE SENATE, APRIL 28, 1904 



Mr. Aldrich. Mr. President, the Senator from Maryland [Mr. Gorman] bases 
nis charge of extravagance against the Administration and Congress upon the 
statement of the gross approbations which has just been made by the Senator 
from Iowa, the chairman of the Committee on Appropriations [Mr. Allison]. 
That statement is the usual statement which is" presented year after year from 
the Committee on Appropriations of the two Houses, and is of considerable value 
for purpose of comparison, and only for this purpose. 

It includes appropriations for the sinking fund, for redemption of note circu- 
lation, for interest, large sums which are duplicated, and a large number of others 
for which the money is never expended. The Senator has referred to a few of 
these items, but there is a large number of others. 

It is the duty of the Committee on Finance to consider questions affecting the 
revenue, and incidentally of expenditures, and that committee has kad from tim 
to time tables carefully prepared showing the annual expenditures. 

I hold in my hand a table prepared for the committee, which I will have printed 
in the Record, because I think it should be brought to the attention of the Senate. 
The table referred to is as follows: 



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Mr. Ajjjrich. This statement is the official statement prepared by the chief 
of the warrant division of the Treasury Department — a gentleman known to every 
member of the Senate. It shows how misleading, for the purposes which we now 
have under consideration, is any statement of gross appropriations, if we wish to 
ascertain accurately the expenditures of the Government. Take the year 1902, for 
instance, when the gross appropriations amounted to $730,338,575, the actual ex- 
penditures were only $439,505,661, or a difference between the two of $290,000,- 
000. 

This discrepancy, to a greater or less extent, follows through all these years and 
shows, if we are to consider the question of relative expenditures, that a statement 
of relative appropriations has no value. 

It has value, of course, as I have stated, in considering the relative appro- 
priations from year to year. The Senator from Iowa has clearly explained why 
the gross appropriations for this year are larger than they were last year. It is 
safe to assume, however, based upon the experience of the last thirty years, that 
the expenditures of the Government will not approximate even the amount appro- 
priated, and that these differences or discrepancies will necessarily continue for 
the present year, as they have in the past. 

The Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Gaxlingeb] suggests that I read more 
of these figures. For the year 1901 the gross approprations were $710,000,000, 
while the actual expenditures were $479,000,000. In 1899 the gross appropriations 
were $899,231,615, while the actual expenditures were $584,181,472, or a difference 
between the gross appropriations and actual expenditures of over $400,000,000. 

I have thought it important that these figures should be brought to the attention 
of the Senate, in view of the statements made by the Senator from Maryland 
[Mr. Gobmast? and the Senator from Texas [Mr. Cttlbersox]. I am not certain 
where the Senator from Texas secured hi« figures, but I do know that they are 
not even approximately correct, as to the actual expenditures of the Government 
in the years he has named. 

For instance, he contrasts the relative expenditures under Cleveland's Admin- 
istration and under McKinley's. Under the first year of Cleveland's Adminis- 
tration the actual expenditures of the Government were $349,928,719, while in the 
first year of McKinley's Administration the actual expenditures of the Govern- 
ment were $350,235,905, or a difference of only about $2,000,000 between the first 
year of the Administration of Mr. Cleveland and the first year of McKinley's Ad- 
ministration. 

Mr. Gormak. Mr. President, will the Senator permit me to interrupt him for 
just one question? 

Mr. Aibrich. Certainly. 

Mr. Gobmax. The Senator is now drawing a distinction between the appropria- 
tions and the expenditures, which is a fair criticism. I ask the Senator now, as 
he is a chairman of the Committee on Finance, how he accounts for the fact that 
during McKinley's first term, in 1898— the fiscal year 1898-99— when the war 
with Spain was in progress, the actual expenditures — not appropriations — were 
$443,000,000, while now, in 1903, in a time of peace, with no war, the expenditures 
have been $506,000,000? This is a comparison between McKinley's Administration 
and the present Administration. I should like to have the Senator give us some 
explanation why in time of peace the expenditures are nearly $100,000,000 over 
what they were in a time of war. 

Mr. Aldrich. That is a different question, of course, from the one I was dis- 
cussing. 

Mr. GoR^rAX. It is a fair comparison. 

Mr. Aldrich. I am coming to that question. It is undoubtedly true that the 



expenditures for this current fiscal year, as well as the expenditures for the last 
year and the year preceding that, have been considerably larger than they were 
for the years immediately preceding the Spanish-American war. One reason is 
that we are a larger country; that the expenditures in every department of the 
Government are necessarily much larger than they were then. The principal rea- 
son, however, is found in an increase in the expenditures for the Army and Navy. 
I am quite willing to concede that. 

Has any Senator upon the other side suggested that we were proceeding too 
rapidly in building up the American Navy? I think the Senator from Maryland 
mildly expressed a criticism at a previous time in this session, but I understood 
him to revise his opinion later in regard to that subject. 

Mr. Gorman. No, Mr. President ; I have not revised my opinion about it at all. 
I have said that I wanted a navy that was sufficient for all the . requirements of 
this Government, but that we were proceeding too rapidly and were expending too 
much money on it. That is what I said. 

Mr. Aldrich. The Senator has been a member of this body and has had as 
much to do with its appropriations for naval purposes as any Senator, except 
perhaps the senior Senator from Maine [Mr. Hale] ; he has been a member of 
the Appropriations Committee; he has been familiar with all these subjects, and 
I have never, up to a very recent date, heard him express any adverse criticism 
as to the policy of developing and maintaining the American Navy. 

I think the expenditures in this direction commerid themselves to the judgm°nt 
of the American people without regard to party. It is undoubtedly true that our 
expenditures for the Army and Navy are greater than they were in the years 
which I have mentioned,, the actual increase in expenditures being in the neigh- 
borhood of $100,000,000, in round numbers. I think the Senator stated it at a 
little less— about $60,000,000. 

I am quite willing to admit that the current expenditures of the Government 
now are a hundred million dollars more per annum than they were in the years 
preceding the Spanish-American war. As I have said, the country is a much 
greater country now than it was prior to the Spanish-American war. In every 
avenue, in every industry, in our population, and in every other respect, we have 
grown and developed beyond parallel. I think the American people expect that 
our expenditures will keep pace with our growth, prosperity, and development, 
and that we shall not adopt any parsimonious policy. I am glad to say that the 
Senators upon the other side have not suggested at any time any way in which we 
could reduce our expenditures. 

Mr. Culberson. Mr. President — — 

The President pro tempore. Does the Senator from Rhode Island yield to tb.2 
Senator from Texas? 

Mr Aldrich. Certainly. 

Mr. Culberson. The Senator from Rhode Island has challenged the accuracy 
of the tabulated statement which I made. I desire, therefore, to call his attention 
for a moment, if he will permit an interruption 

Mr. Aldrich. Yes. 

Mr. Culherson. To state whence I got those figures. I have stated once or 
twice already that they were taken from the reports of the Secretary of the 
Treasury. As an illustration of that, I have before me the report of the Secretary 
of the Treasury for 1903, and the Senator may find the total expenditures, as 
given by the Secretary, on page 2 of that report. 

Mr. Aldrich. What year was that? 

Mr. Culberson. The year 1903, the figures being exactly as they appear in the 
Statemenl which 1 made. 



Mr. Aldrich:. What is the amount? 

Mr. Culberson". Six hundred and forty million three hundred and twenty-three 
thousand, the exact figures, Mr. President, that the Senator from Rhode Island 
presented a moment ago in the statement made by the Secretary of Commerce 
and Labor. 

Mr. Aldrich. I have not stated anything from the Department of Commerce 
and Labor. 

Mr. Culberson. The Senator from Rhode Island presented a statement from 
that Department. 

Mr. Aldrich. I beg the Senator's pardon; I said the figures which I gave here 
were the figures prepared and reported by the chief of the warrant division of the 
Treasury Department. 

Mr. Culberson. I am alluding to the Senator from Iowa [Mr. Allison.] If 
I said the Senator from Rhode Island, I beg pardon. 

Mr. Aldrich. The Senator from Iowa wiU take care of himself. The figures 
which the Senator from Texas has just read include the sinking fund and postal 
revenue, expenditures for which, of course, are manifestly improper to be included. 

Mr. Culberson. They include the total expenditures of the Government; and 
the same rule, Mr. President, applies, of course, to the Administrations of Mr. 
Cleveland, Mr. McKinley and Mr. Roosevelt. 

Mr. Aldrich. I am speaking now of actual expenditures and not appropria- 
tions. 

Mr. Culberson. The actual expenditures of course, include those for the postal 
service. 

Mr. Aldrich. The money received from the postal service repays the money 
which is appropriated. So that it is not an expenditure in the ordinary sense of 
the word. 

Mr. Culberson. I simply took the total as prepared by the Secretary of the 
Treasury and of course it is as fair to one Administration as to another. 

Mr. Aldrich. It is not fair, because the amount of the postal revenues has very 
greatly increased. It has increased more than $40,000,000 within the time the 
Senator has mentioned; and if both sides of the account are not taken, the ex- 
penditure would appear to be increased $40,000,000, when they are not increased 
at all. So the Senator's statement of that is not fair. 

The figures which I have submitted are the official figures of the Treasury Depart- 
ment, and I do not think that anybody can question their accuracy. They show, 
as I have stated, that there has been no such increase as- has been indicated either 
by the Senator from Texas or the Senator from Maryland. 

Mr. Culberson. I call the Senator's attention to the further fact, Mr. Presi- 
dent, that in the summing up and in the comparison which I made of these three 
Administrations of the Government, I expressly excluded the expenditures for the 
postal service, showing that, excluding the expenses of the postal service, there 
was an increase in the military establishment of $515,000,000 under President 
Roosevelt, as compared with the last Administration of President Cleveland. 

Mr. Aldrich. Does not the Senator know — I am sure he does, and I have no 
doubt as a fair man he will be willing to concede — that the expenditures for what 
he calls the military establishment — and I do not mean to include pensions, of 
course — were greatly augmented by the Spanish-American war, and that we have 
never yet resumed, so far as the Army is concerned, a regular peace footing, which 
I hope we shall reach after a while. There are certain additional expenditures 
now entailed upon the Government in that connection which are inevitable. I think 
the Senator ought to be willing to concede that. 

The Senator from Maryland [Mr. Gorman] not only finds fault with us for 



6 

being extravagant, but he is alarmed because we propose to adjourn this Congress 
in what he calls great haste, at an unusual time, and under unusual circumstances. 
We are adjourning this Congress because the public business has been completed. 
It is a subject of congratulation to this Congress and to the country, instead of 
a subject for which we ought to be condemned, that we have accomplished this 
result and that Congress on this 28th day of April has completed its business and 
is ready to adjourn. 

I should like to have the Senator from Maryland or any Senator upon the other 
side point out to us any subject or legislation of general interest and importance 
that we have not taken up and considered, except the tariff question, which we did 
not intend to take up at this session, a failure for which we assume the full re- 
sponsibility, and except nebulous suggestions, which have been made constantly 
upon the other side, that there is something somewhere in the vast area of public 
business that ought to be investigated by a Democratic committee. Aside from 
these, can any Senator point me in a concrete way to any subject of legislation 
that we have not considered and acted upon that he thinks the public interest re- 
quires us to act upon? 

Mr. Gorman. I ask the Senator why it is, when your appropriations must ex- 
ceed and do exceed the revenues of the Government, you have not taken up that 
question and adjusted it? 

Mr. Aldrich. What does the Senator say? 

Mr. Gobman. I say that the statements made by the chairman of the committee 
and by others here and elsewhere- show that your appropriations for Government 
expenditures exceed the receipts of the Government. 

Mr. Aldrich. Who says that? 

Mr. Gorman. I say it — that the gross amount appropriated in these appropria- 
tion bills, including the amount which was appropriated for the Panama Canal, 
exceeds the revenues. 

Mr. Aldrich. The gross amount of appropriations? 

Mr. Gorman. Yes; the gross amount of the appropriations. 

Mr. Aldrich. There has not been a year in the Senator's recollection or mine 
when the gross amount of appropriations has not far exceeded the revenue, and 
there never will be so long as we continue under the present system of making 
appropriations. 

Mr. Gorman. That is a subject with which Congress has not dealt. 

Mr. Aldrich. It is not a subject before Congress at all. That is a subject of 
bookkeeping. 

Mr. Gorman. Mr. President, I did not expect the Senator's party to attempt 
tariff legislation at this time — on the eve of an election. 

Mr. Aldrich. We do not intend to. 

Mr. Gallinger. It is not necessary. 

Mr. Gorman. We attempted it on one occasion, and we know the result. But 
you are avoiding it simply because of the election, and for no other reason. It 
is wise politically. But nevertheless the responsibility rests with you. Why not 
admit it? 

Mr. Aldrich. I thought I did. 

Mr. Gorman. And for th£t reason? 

Mr. Aldrich. I was under the impression that I had admitted it. 

Mr. Gorman. And for that reason— that it would disturb the political at- 
mosphere. 

Mr. Aldrich. No; not for that reason. 

Mr. Gorman. And for no other reason. 



Mr. Aldrich. For the reason that it would disturb the business atmosphere in 
the country unnecessarily, cruelly, and wantonly. 

Mr. Gormax. Any radical attempt to change conditions affecting commerce 
and trade would disturb the business interests of the country; but the Senator 
from Rhode Island knows as well as I do that there is no more probability or pos- 
sibility of taking radical action which would disturb the trade and commerce of 
the country than there i» of hi* going to Japan to-morrow to rule there as he rules 
here. 

Mr. Aldrich. Certainly not so long as the Republican party is in power. 

Mr. Gormax. No, Mr. President ; the Republican party will be in power in this 
Chamber for four years after the 4th of March, and I suppose when that fortu- 
nate condition for the country will occur, when the Democratic party shall take 
possession of every other branch of the Government ■ 

Mr. Aldrich. Unfortunate! 

Mr. Gobmax. It will be fortunate. It would be most fortunate now if the 
Democrats had such power and could stay the radical and extreme measures which 
you have inaugurated. 

It will require probably a division of parties to bring us back to economy in 
expenditures and honesty in administration, and when we get that power the books 
of the Departments will be opened. It is true in the meantime, with the statute 
of limitations, the guilty may escape, but the time is coming, in the next House, 
when we will have the opportunity, not as a favor, but as a right, to look at the 
accounts and to examine the books. 

Mr. Aldrich. I wish to ask the Senator a question, and I hope he "will answer 
me frankly. 

Mr. Gormax. I always do. 

Mr. Aldrich. Does he think he, any better than I, can foretell or could fore- 
tell what the Democratic party would do upon the tariff question if they were 
returned to power? 

Mr. Gormax. Yes. 

Mr. Aldrich. What? 

Mr. Gormax. It would do precisely as that party has done from the founda- 
tion of the Government to the present time. 

Mr. Aldbich. As it did in 1894, for instance? 

Mr. Gormax. Ah, in 1894 ! The Senator from Rhode Island understands per- 
fectly that the legislation of the Democratic party in 1894, but for the most ex- 
traordinary decision of the Supreme Court, which may yet come to plague and 
trouble and embarrass the Government, would have provided sufficient revenue for 
all purposes. The action of the Democratic party in 1894 started the wheels of 
industry. The people only found the full fruition of that tariff after the election 
of McKinley. 

The Democratic party would do precisely as it has done on every occasion, take 
care of the business interests of the country; and the manufacturers and laborers 
of the country would find within a revenue tariff all the protection they want, 
and we would prevent the unfair advantages to special interests which have grown 
up under your tariff. 

Mr. President, I wish to say this: In my judgment, the tariff on all these mat- 
ters about which we have been talking will not have serious effect in the discus- 
sion and determination of the result in November next. The great question will 
be whether we shall restrain that branch of the Government which has assumed 
a power never intended to be granted to it. 

Mr. Aldrich. The Senator from Maryland is getting a little off, I think. 



8 

Mr. Gorman. No; I am not getting off. The Senator from Rhode Island would 
like to run to some byway 

Mr. Aldrich. Not a bit of it. 

Mr. Gorman. And escape the indictment which has been made against his party 
and his President. But the main question that will be considered is the one I have 
stated. We know, and the country knows, that the others are minor, and the coun- 
try knows that the tendency of all the legislation you have enacted at this session 
has been to increase executive power. You have seven to eight million people in 
the islands of the Pacific. What a spectacle it is ! The President of the United 
States, with the Army, under your legislation and under your submission, is prac- 
tically an emperor over all those people. 

Mr. Aldrich. I hope the Senator will not go too far into outside questions, 
because I have only a few minutes. 

Mr. Gorman. I thought the Senator had finished. 

Mr. Aldrich. No. 

Mr. Gorman. Otherwise I would not have interrupted him. I will be very glad 
to hear the Senator from Rhode Island. He talks very much better than I do. 

Mr. Aldrich. I do not intend to embarrass the Senator from Maryland by 
reading Mr. Cleveland's letters and messages in regard to the tariff legislation 
of 1894. 

Mr. Gorman. I would be glad if the Senator would. 

Mr. Aldrich. I am aware that a Democratic House of Representatives passed 
a tariff bill in 1894 which, if it had passed this body, would have stopped every 
wheel in the United States; and the Senator from Maryland knows it as well as 
I do, and he did not then hesitate to say so. It was due to his courage and his 
action here that entire and absolute destruction of industries was averted. Now, 
if he thinks that that experience is to be repeated if we have a Democratic Ad- 
ministration, is he in favor of a change? Does he desire to go back to the legisla- 
tion of Mr. Wilson and Mr. Cleveland and abandon to destruction the entire in- 
dustries of the United States? I give him credit for too much sense for that. 

The act of 1894, modified, as it was, brought depression and disaster to the 
country from which it has not recovered, and I suggest to him that the people of 
this country will not try another experiment of that kind, and the fact that he is 
in the Senate to-day with his courage and his views upon the tariff question is 
not and would not be held by the country a sufficient guaranty against the general 
unwisdom and folly of the Democratic party. 

I was asking the Senator from Maryland and Senators on the other side to 
point out some measure of general interest that they were for which had not been 
taken up and considered and acted upon. The Senator from Maryland failed to 
respond. I expected he would. He falls back upon talk about the usurpation of 
power on the part of the President of the United States. 

I have been a member of this body for twenty-four years, a large part of the 
time with the Senator from Maryland; I have served with five or six different 
Presidents, including a Democratic President for two terms, and I have never 
known a President of the United States, not excepting Mr. Cleveland, who has 
interfered less with the legislative business of the Congress or with the action 
of the House or the Senate than the present incumbent of that office. I know of 
no case where he has undertaken to dictate what our policy or what our legis- 
lation should be, and I can not say that of another President within my recollec- 
tion. This talk about the usurpations of the President and his attempts to con- 
trol legislation or the Congress is nonsense, and nobody knows it better than docs 
the Senator from Maryland. 



No. 17 



BRIEF 
TARIFF HISTORY 



BY 



Hon. James T. McCleary 



OF 



Minnesota. 



FROM 

THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 
FRIDAY. APRIL 22, 1904. 



BRIEF TARIFF HISTORY 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES 



Mr. Chairman, history is said to be the eye of prophecy. We have good author- 
ity for believing that ''the best way to judge the future is by the past." Let us, 
therefore, now take a brief look at our experience with the tariff in the United 
States. 

IN COLONIAL DAYS. 

While this country was subject to great Britain all the laws governing trade 
were made by the British Parliament. They were made for the benefit of Great 
Britain, it being the generally accepted policy at that time that colonies were 
established for the benefit of the home country. Not only was there no encour- 
agement given to the establishment of manufacturing industries in the United 
States; as a matter of fact, such industries were positively and specifically dis- 
couraged. Indeed, this was one of the most powerful causes of the Revolutionary 
War. 

UNDER THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 

From 1776 until 1789 this country lived under a form of union called the 
Articles of Confederation. Under this plan of union the several States reserved 
unto themselves the regulation of their own commerce. It was natural, in view 
of what they had suffered from the regulation of their commerce by a power 
outside of and superior to themselves, that each State should desire and deter- 
mine to keep the regulation of its own commerce in its own hands. The extent 
of their suffering from the old regime may be judged from the fact that the 
people of the several States were not willing to trust the regulation of their com- 
merce even to a national government of their own making and composed of people 
of their own selection. 

So the Government of the United States under the Articles of Confederation 
had no power to regulate commerce, either among the States or with foreign 
nations. And consequently it could do nothing whatever to protect and develop 
American industries. This period has been well named by Historian John Fiske 
"The critical period of American history." In his book with that title Professor 



T'iske shows that the commerce and industries of the several States were almost 
annihilated. This was one of the chief reasons for abandoning the old form of 
union and adopting the Constitution under which we have lived since 1789. 

UNDER THE CONSTITUTION. 

In that Constitution the very first power granted to Congress was the power 
to "lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide 
for the common defense and general welfare of the United States." Another 
and related power of Congress, granted for the very purpose of enabling it to 
"provide for the general welfare," is the power to regulate commerce among the 
several States and with foreign nations. 

THE FIRST ACT OF CONGRESS. 

It is very significant that the very first act of the very first Congress, aside 
from the act providing for the organization of Congress itself, was one with the 
following preamble: 

"Whereas it is necessary for the support of the Government, for the discharge 
of the debt of the United States, and for the encouragement and protection of 
'manufactures, that duties be laid on goods, wares, and merchandise imported: Be 
it enacted, etc." 

This bill was introduced by James Madison, afterwards President of the Uni- 
ted States, who is known in history as "the father of the Constitution." The de- 
. bate was participated in by James Madison, Richard Henry Lee, Charles Carroll, 
Rufus King, Oliver Ellsworth, Fisher Ames, Roger Sherman, and Jonathan Trum- 
bull, all of whom had been members of the convention which framed the Consti- 
tution. The act was signed on July 4, 1TS9, by George Washington, President of 
the United States, who had been the president of the Constitutional Convention. 

At the time of its enactment this tariff law was spoken of as "our second 
Declaration of Independence," and such it really was. 

As has been well said, "A large majority of that First Congress were farmers, 
but they saw the necessity of encouraging and protecting manufactures in order 
that they might be free from servile and dangerous dependence upon foreign 
nations." 

Thus we see that the first general act of the First Congress was a protective 
tariff act. 

HOW IT WORKED. 

Remembering the distress and business demoralization under which the entire 
country had been suffering before the act was passed, let us ascertain the effect 
of this first act of the fathers under the Constitution. And as witness I put upon 
fch« stand the man who Is unJv»fKa!b/ recognised. *« the personification 9f truth f til" 



ness, George Washington. Referring to the results of six years' operations of 
this act in his annual message to Congress in 1795, President "Washington said: 

"Every part of the Union displays indications of rapid and various improve- 
ment and with burdens so light as scarcely to be perceived." 

THOMAS JEFFERSON ON PROTECTION. 

Under this law there was in 1806 a considerable surplus in the Treasury after 
paying all the public debt then payable, and the problem was what to do under 
such circumstances. In relation to this matter Thomas Jefferson, then President 
of the United States, said: 

"Shall we suppress the imposts (duties) and give that advantage to foreign 
over our domestic manufactures On a few articles of more general and necessary 
use, the suppression in due season will doubtless be right, but the great mass of 
the articles on which imposts are laid are foreign luxuries, purchased by those 
only who are rich enough to afford themselves the use of them. * * * 

"The general inquiry now is, Shall we make our own comforts or go without 
them at the will of a foreign nation? He, therefore, who is now against domestic 
manufactures, must be for reducing us either to a dependent upon that nation 
or to be clothed in skins and live like beasts in caves and dens. I am proud to say 
I am not one of these. Experience has taught me that manufactures are now 
as necessary to our independence as to our comforts. 

"The prohibiting duties we lay on all articles of foreign manufacture, which 
prudence requires us to establish at home, with the patriotic determination of 
every good citizen to use no foreign article which can be made within ourselves, 
without regard to difference of price, secures us against a relapse into foreign 
dependency." 

Please note, Mr. Chairman, that Jefferson, the patron saint of Democracy, not 
only was a protectionist, but wanted the tariff to be so high as to be "prohibiting." 
And he continued to favor a protective tariff, for in a letter to his friend Colonel 
Humphreys, dated January 20, 1809, Jefferson wrote: 

"My own idea is that we should encourage home manufactures to the extent of 
our own consumption of everything of which we raise the raw materials." 

THE ACT OF 1812. 

The principle embodied in the act of 1789 was indorsed by Presidents George 
Washington, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison, and the act 
remained substantially unchanged until 1812. In that year, owing to the war 
with England and the necessity for raising additional revenues, the tariff du- 
ties were nearly doubled, very greatly to the benefit of the industries of the 
country. 

The war of 1812 revealed to us that there were industries necessary to our in- 
dependence as a nation for the establishment and encouragement of which no 
provision had been made in the act of 1789. In a special message President Mad- 
ison earnestly asked that Congress give "deliberate consideration of the means 



to preserve and promote the manufactures which have sprung into existence and 
attained unparalleled maturity throughout the United States during the period 
of the European wars." 

THE ACT OF 1816. 

But in 1S16 occurred the first of those causeless and wisdomless demands for 
"a change." Though the country had for several years been enjoying great pros- 
perity, a new tariif act was passed with much lower duties, very many of the 
schedules being below the point of adequate protection. 

The tariff act of 1812 had by its own terms provided that its operation should 
cease one year after the close of the war with England. But Congress was not 
satisfied to let the law take its course and expire by limitation. 

There seemed to be a popular demand for a reduction in the tariff rates, be- 
yond even those of the act of 1789. (How prone such movements are to go to 
extremes!) This was advocated by some who honestly claimed to be protection- 
ists. "But," they said, "we are moderate protectionists." Up to that time our 
people had had no opportunity to learn the truth revealed by the experience ob- 
tained under the act of 1816 and were not to be blamed for making the mistake 
that they did. The theory of so-called "moderate protection" had not yet been 
tested; its folly had not yet been demonstrated. 

What was the result? 

The Napoleonic wars had just ended. Waterloo had been fought and won. 
Napoleon himself was a captive at St. Helena. But the Napoleonic wars had greatly 
interfered with England's commerce. Her warehouses were full of goods. 

AMERICA'S FOLLY WAS ENGLAND'S OPPORTUNITY. 

The tariff of the United States having been reduced below the point of adequate 
protection, England, with shrewd business calculation, resolved to kill two birds 
with one stone — to sell her goods and to destroy her rivals. Many of the goods 
on hand were somewhat old-fashioned, and therefore could not command any but 
a low price anywhere. She resolved to flood the United States with them and 
break down the industries of this country. In 1816* Mr. Brougham (afterwards 
Lord Brougham) declared in the House of Commons: 

"It is well worth while to incur a loss upon the first exportation, in order, by 
the glut, to stifle in the cradle those infant manufactures which the war (of 1812) 
has forced into existence." 

ITS RESULTS AND THEIR LESSONS. 

Speaking of the result, Horace Greeley says, in his History of the Tariff: 

"Great Britain poured her fabrics, far below cost, upon our markets in a per- 
fect delude. Our manufactures went down like grass before the mower, and our 
agriculture and the wages of labor speedily followed." 



Here we have the first illustration in our history of a truth tlie importance of 
which should be impressed upon the people of the United States at this time, 
namely, that inadequate protection is practically as bad as no protection. 

And here for the first time in our national history another great truth was 
illustrated, namely, that even after our industries are established and in good 
working order there should still be maintained a tariff high enough to protect the 
country from abnormal conditions abroad. A dam should be high enough to pro- 
tect the people in the valley not only in cases of normal flow of the river but also 
against the destructive freshets that are sure to come periodically. But in 1816 
our people had not yet had opportunity to learn from experience this truth in 
relation to the tariff or to comprehend its tremendous and far-reaching import- 
ance. 

In 1824, on the recommendation of President Monroe that Congress "give addi- 
tional protection to those articles which we are prepared to manufacture," an- 
other act, aiming to give adequate protection, was passed. 

ANDREW JACKSON ON PROTECTION.. 

Andrew Jackson was then a United States Senator from Tennessee. Speaking 
in favor of an adequate tariff, he said: 

"Providence has filled our mountains and our plains with minerals — with lead, 
iron, and copper — and given us a climate and soil for the growing of hemp and 
wool. These being the greatest materials of our national defense, they ought to 
have extended to them adequate and fair protection, that our manufacturers and 
laborers may be placed in a fair competition with those of Europe and that we 
may have within our country a supply of those leading and important articles so 
essential in war. We have been too long subject to the policy of British mer- 
chants. It is time we should become a little more Americanized, and, instead 
of feeding the paupers and laborers of England, feed our own, or else in a short 
time, by continuing our present policy (that of the tariff of 181G), we shall. all 
be rendered paupers ourselves. It is my opinion, therefore, that a careful and 
judicious tariff is much wanted." 

Thus we see, Mr. Chairman, that Andrew Jackson, the other great patron s;iint 
of Democracy, believed in a protective tariff, and one that should be "adequate 
and fair." 

THE ACTS OF 1824 AND 1828. 

A bill such as was advocated by Monroe and Jackson, one believed to provide 
adequate protection to American industries, was passed in 1824. It worked well 
in most cases, but in 1828 it was deemed desirable to pass a supplemental act 
increasing the rates in certain schedules so that the protection granted by them 
should be really adequate. 

From 1825 to 1829 John Quincy Adams was President of the United States. 
Speaking of the effect of the tariff act of 1828, he said: 



"As yet no symptoms of diminution are perceptible in the receipts of the 
Treasury. As yet little addition of cost has even been experienced upon the 
article burdened with heavier duties by the last tariff. The domestic manufac- 
turer supplies the some or a kindred article at a diminished price, and the con- 
sumer pays the same tribute to the labor of his own countrymen which he must 
otherwise have paid to foreign industry and toil." 

In 1828 Andrew Jackson was elected President of the United States. In his 
annual message to Congress in 1833, speaking of the results of eight years of a 
protective tariff, President Jackson said: 

"Our country presents on every side marks of prosperity and happiness, un- 
equaled perhaps in any other portion of the world. * * * The report which 
the Secretary of the Treasury will in due time lay before you will exhibit the 
national finances in a highly prosperous state." 



"FREE COTTON" IN ENGLAND. 

In 1832 a step was taken in England which had most important effects in this 
country. Up to that time England had had a preferential tariff on cotton in favor 
of her colonies in the East, an arrangement similar to that now being urged by 
Chamberlain. 

Cotton from the United States had been largely excluded from England by rea- 
son of the fact that it had been required to pay a duty there, and thus had had 
to meet at a disadvantage the competition of the cotton from the colonies. Eng- 
land discovered that the cotton that she was securing from her colonies was of 
too short staple or fibre to be used to the best advantage. She needed the Amer- 
ican cotton, which was of longer staple. So to meet the demands of her manu- 
facturers of cotton goods she, in 1832, put American cotton on the free list. 

Heretofore the almost entire market for American cotton had been in the New 
England and other manufacturing States of the North; and therefore, in order 
to foster the manufactures which furnished the immediate market for their chief 
product, the people of the South, or a majority of them, had been protectionists. 



CALHOUN ON PROTECTION. 

In 1810, for example, John C. Calhoun made a strong speech in favor of the 
protective tariff, saying, among other things: 

"When our manufactures are grown to a certain perfection, as they will under 
the fostering care of the Government, the farmer will find a ready market for 
his surplus product, and what is of almost equal importance, a certain and cheap 
supply of all his wants. His prosperity will diffuse itself to every class in the com- 
munity. It (a protective tariff) is calculated to bind together more closely our 
widespread Republic, and give greater nerve to the arm of the Government." 



8 

Calhoun after 1832 "went with his section" and became a "free trader," but 
as such he never succeeded in answering his own arguments made as a protec- 
tionist. 

FREE TRADE BORN IN THE SOUTH. 

But for some time prior to 1832 the sentiment in favor of "free trade" had been 
growing in the South. Slave labor was not adapted to use in factories, so manu- 
factures did not flourish in the South. In the North, with free la?bor and with 
adequate protection, manufactures were increasing in number and in product. 
The high wages paid were attracting a fine class of immigrants from Europe. 
The Northern States were rapidly growing in population and in power. The 
South saw political supremacy slipping from its hands. Yet the market for nearly 
all of its cotton was in the North, and the South did not see its way to break 
with the protective-tariff system. 

But when, in 1S32, England removed the tariff on American cotton entering her 
market, the "free-trade"theorists were able to present to the people of the South 
two powerful arguments in favor of their doctrine, arguments still echoing there. 

In the first place they could appeal to the pocketbook of the South. They said, 
"You sell your chief product in England and upon it she charges no tariff duties. 
Why not reciprocate and let her products in free of duty? Moreover, in that 
way you will be able to buy cheaper than you can buy from the American pro- 
ducer and it is good policy to buy in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest." 

To this argument was added another, which appealed to natural pride and love 
of power — and to fear of the consequences of loss of power. The argument was 
this: "The people of the North, through the protective tariff, are growing enor- 
mously in wealth and power. At the present rate of growth they will soon com- 
pletely overshadow the people of the South and politically they will dominate the 
country — and they may then conclude to interfere with the institution of slavery. 
By striking down the protective tariff we can close their factor!;:; and greatly 
reduce their rate of growth. Thus and thus only can we hope to retain the 
political domination of the country. Moreover, closing the factories will destroy 
the best market of the northern farmer; his food products will then cost us less — 
we can feed ourselves and our slaves cheaper, and we can thus grow rich faster." 

And so in 1832 a mighty wave of "free trade" sentiment swept over the South 
and expressed itself in a demand upon Congress that the protective system be 
"utterly and absolutely abandoned." 

TREE TRADE AND SECESSION WERE TWINS. 

Then and there and thus was born in this country the theory of "tariff for 
revenue only," which is what is generally called "free trade." 
In that same year, 1832, South Carolina passed her nullification act against the 



9 

collection of duties under the national tariff act. .This was the beginning of the 
secession movement. It was then that President Jackson showed the stuff he 
was made of hy his famous declaration: "By the Eternal, the Union must and 
shall he preserved." 

Thus we see that secession and free trade are the twin children of slavery. 
The former and its barbaric mother 'were together shot to death by loyal bullets. 
The latter should be sent to its long sleep by loyal ballots; for secession was no 
more dangerous to the political existence of the United States than is free trade 
to its industrial life and progress. 

— "TRIMMING" IN 183o. 

For eight years under a protective tariff the country as a whole had been enjoy- 
ing exceptional prosperity and was not ready to yield to the demands of the 
South. But, in dealing with the situation, there was exhibited that weakness which 
is so little better than wickedness. In 1833 a compromise act was passed under 
which the tariff was to be gradually reduced 10 per cent, every two years, until 
it should be practically "for revenue only," though nominally affording "moderate" 
protection. 

And again, by the results, was the truth illustrated that inadequate protection 
is as bad as no protection. The rates of tariff soon got below the line of adequate 
protection. But "coming events cast their shadows before." Even before the 
point of inadequate protection had been fully reached business men had become 
timid. Industry began to decline, and in 1837 came another financial crash, even 
worse than that which followed the abandonment of protection in 1816. 

PROTECTION AGAIN IN 1842. 

Through much suffering the people had become thoroughly aroused, and in 1840 
William Henry Harrison, a strong protectionist, was elected President. And 
with him was elected a protectionist Congress. Unfortunately, President Har- 
rison died in about a month after his inauguration, and was succeeded by Vice- 
President Tyler, of Virginia, who was professedly a protectionist, but, with his 
southern training and association, not a very sturdy one. 

In 1842 another protective tariff bill passed both Houses of Congress. It was 
vetoed by President Tyler on the ground that the rates were too high, but Con- 
gress passed it over his veto. Under the act of 1842 confidence was restored, 
business revived, and the sun of prosperity again shone forth. While this pros- 
perity was general throughout the country, it was particularly marked in the 
manufacturing and agricultural States of the North. Again the South felt this 
remarkable prosperity as a menace to the political ascendency of that section, and 
the leaders of the Democratic party in the South resolved to clip the wings of the 
North by a repeal of the protective tariff. 



10 



"THE TWO-FACED" CAMPAIGN OF 1844. 

They dared not undertake to do this openly, because the people had so recently 
experienced the bad effects of inadequate protection that they appreciated the 
prosperity that they were enjoying under the act of 1842. The only way for the 
Democrats to win the election in 1844 was to nominate for the Presidency a 
southern man of not very pronounced or well-known views on the tariff question, 
but who could be trusted to cooperate with the southern Democratic leaders, and 
then to nominate for Vice-President some northern man well known to be a pro- 
tectionist, so that the party could stand for "free trade" in the South and for 
protection in the North. James K. Polk, of Tennessee, was made the nominee 
for the Presidency, and George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, for the Vice-Presi- 
dency. In the South the cry was "Polk, Dallas, and free trade!" In the North 
the cry was "Polk, Dallas, and the tariff of '42 !" 

Why it was possible. — Newspapers were not so numerous or so generally read 
then, as now. The electric telegraph had not yet become established. So this , 
"two-faced" campaign was then entirely practicable. 

If I were to make a guess, Mr. Chairman, I should say that this year, exactly 
sixty years later, our Democratic brethren would try to repeat the essential parts 
of their plan of 1844. Can they make it work now? 

The nomination of George M. Dallas for Vice-President appealed to the State 
pride of Pennsylvania, which was then as now a strong protectionist State. Under 
the impression that Dallas was a protectionist and that therefore the ticket' was 
a "safe" one, the State of Pennsylvania went .Democratic and Polk and Dallas 
were elected. 

THE REWARD OF WEAKNESS. 

The Whig nominee was Henry Clay. The Whig platform declared for "a tariff 
for revenue to defray the necessary expenses of the Government, and discrimi- 
nating with reference to the protection of the domestic labor of the country." 
The platform was sound and Clay had in fact always been a protectionist. But 
now he paid the penalty for his lack of courage in 1833. The Democrats cir- 
culated in Pennsylvania and other protectionist States the story that Clay was 
"wobbly" on the tariff. Remembering his vacillating course in 1833, enough people 
believed the story to defeat him in the cherished ambition of his life. The lesson 
is plain: In the discharge of responsible public duties courage to do the right 
is profitable as well as honorable. "Trimming" is neither. 



THE ACT OF 1846. 

Tn 1816 a tariff bill was passed reducing many of the rates below the point of 
adequate protection. In the Senate the vote on the bill was a tie and George M. 



11 

Dallas, though elected as a protectionist, performed the shameful part of casting 
the deciding vote in favor of the "free-trade" bill. 

That the bad effect always to be expected in this country from a tariff act such 
as that of 1346, one not providing adequate protection, did not immediately fol- 
low the passage of the act was due to the following remarkable sequence of cir- 
cumstances: 

1. Very soon after the passage of the act the Mexican war broke out, creating 
for two years an abnormal demand for munitions of war and food supplies for 
the soldiers, thus stimulating business. 

Q. Close upon this came the great famine in Ireland, creating a further ab- 
normal demand for our food products. 

3. In 1849 came the discovery of gold in California, and shortly after that the 
discovery of gold in Australia, which discoveries stimulated trade all over the 
world. 

4. The period from 1848 to 1851 was one of violent revolutions in several Euro- 
pean countries which interfered with the regular course of production in those 
countries and created an exceptional demand for our products, especially our 
agricultural products. 

5. Then in 1854 came the great Crimean war, involving Russia on the one side 
and Turkey, France, and England on the other, and furnishing us for two years 
another abnormal market for many of our products of farm and factory. 

Its results. — But with the close of the Crimean war in 1856 this extraordinary 
chain of events ended, and then the usual effects of an inadequate tariff promptly 
manifested themselves. Our prosperity at once began to wane. As if to tempt 
the fates, the Democrats, in 1857, enacted a law still further reducing the tariff 
rates. Almost immediately came a tremendous financial crash, probably the worst 
in our history. There was great business depression through the next four years. 
Inadequate protection had got in its work and in December, 1860, in his last 
annual message to Congress, the Democratic President, James Buchanan, gave 
this picture of the situation in the United States: 

"With unsurpassed plenty in all the productions and all the elements of natural 
wealth, our manufactures have suspended, our public works are retarded, our 
private enterprises of different kinds are abandoned, and thousands of useful 
laborers are thrown out of employment and reduced to want. We have possessed 
all the elements of material wealth in rich abundance, and yet, notwithstanding 
all these advantages, our country, in its monetary interests, is in a deplorable 
condition." 

The depression continued until the adoption of the Morrill tariff act in Feb- 
ruary, 1861. In the election of 1858 the Republicans had carried the House, but 
did not make enough gains in the Senate to control that body. Before the election 
of 1860 the House had passed the Morrill bill, but it was held up in the Senate. 
After election it passed the Senate — some loyal Northern Democratic Senators 



12 

voting for it, be it said to their credit — and was signed by James Buchanan, who 
had come to see the necessity for such an act and had shaken off the domination 
of the Soulh, returning to his original and real position on the tariff. 

SOME FRUITS OF PROTECTION. 

From 1861 to the present day, save and except the four mournful years from 
1893 to 1897, this country has had the policy of adequate protection to American 
industries. At the close of the period of inadequate protection the nation had 
a bankrupt Treasury; to-day the Treasury is overflowing. At the close of the 
period of inadequate protection the Government, which, as usual under thai- 
kind of legislation, had been running into debt, had so lost its credit among 
men that it found itself unable to borrow money in sufficient quantities to meet 
its needs, though it offered 8, 10, yea 12 per cent for the money; to-day it can 
borrow all the money that it wants at the rate of 2 per cent, and its bonds 
issued at that rate stand at a premium in the market places of the world. 

Under a protective policy this nation fought the greatest war in the history 
of the world, a war which left the Southern section of the country prostrate 
and bankrupt, a war which took from the productive industries of the Northern 
section of the country more than a million of its sturdiest sons and devoted 
four years of their time to destruction instead of construction; a war which 
used up all of the enormous income of the Government for four years, amounting 
to more than a thousand millions of dollars, and yet left us with a debt of 
nearly three thousand millions of dollars. Upon that debt we have paid more 
than eighteen hundred millions of the principal and nearly three thousand millions 
of dollars of interest. As an expression of our gratitude to those who saved the 
Union we have paid out in pensions more than three thousand millions of dollars, 
and are now paying about a hundred and forty million dollars a year. 

But, notwithstanding these enormous losses in population and in wealth caused 
by this war, our population has increased from a little over thirty millions in 
1860 to more than eighty millions at the present hour. Our wealth has increased 
from sixteen billions in 1860 to more than ninety-four billions in 1900, or from an 
average of $513 per capita in 1860 to $1,235 per capita in 1900. That is, our 
wealth has increased more than twice as fast as our population. Our savings- 
bank deposits have increased from $149,277,504 in 1860 to $2,935,204,875, or from 
an average of $4.75 per capita in 1860 to $36.52 per capita in 1903. That is, our 
savings-bank deposits (the best index of the condition of workingmen) have in- 
creased nearly nine times as fast as our population. 

As I said earlier, it is always true under a protective tariff that the wits of 
men are stimulated because they see some reward for the exercise of their in- 
genuity. The truth of this proposition can be seen by examining the report of the 
Commissioner of Patents. Up to and including 1860 the total number of patents 
issued in the United States was 31,005, or an average of 443 a year. From the 



13 

1st of January, 18611 to the 1st of January, 1904, there had been issued 747,502 
patents, which is at the rate of 17,385 a year — that is, while our population has 
been multiplied by less than three the rate of patent issue has been multiplied 
by forty. 

THE LESSONS OF EXPERIENCE. 

From the foregoing sketch of our tariff history, brief though it necessarily is, 
several propositions may be regarded as established by experience: 

1. That disaster has always followed the enactment of a tariff which failed 
to furnish adequate protection. Such a tariff has neither furnished protection 
to our industries nor raised sufficient revenue for the Government. The so-called 
"moderate" protection has always proved a delusion and a snare. It is less 
worthy of respect than frank and open "free trade," for so-called "moderate" 
protection always ".keeps the word of , promise to the ear but breaks it to the 
hope." Its advocacy by a well-informed man may generally be rated as cowardly 
evasion. 

2. From the disaster resulting from such tariff legislation our country has 
never in a single instance recovered except through the enactment of a tariff 
law giving adequate protection. 

m 3. With one possible exception, that of* 1873, we have never nad a panic or 
widespread business depression under a tariff act giving adequate protection to 
home industries. Even the collapse of certain speculative enterprises of large 
capitalization during the last two years has simply gone to show that "protection 
is panic proof." 

4. The business depression of 1873 was not due to the tariff, but occurred in 
spite of the tariff. It came from two sources chiefly — first, it was a part of the 
reaction from over-speculation during and following the civil war; and second, 
it was part of the "sobering up" in our currency matters, when we w r ere pain- 
fully getting back from greenback fiatism to the solid basis of the gold standard, 

5. But even in the case of 1873 the suffering was mainly among the speculative 
classes and was not specially felt among the people generally. The country 
during that period advanced greatly in wealth, and the recovery came under a 
protective tariff. 

6. Never in our history have we had general and long-continued business de- 
pression when we have had both of the Republican twin bases of prosperity — 
a protective tariff and a sound currency. 



14 



WHY I AM A PROTECTIONIST. 



Some years ago the publishers of the American Economist called upon a 
large number of leading Americans for a brief statement of their reasons for 
being protectionists. Some of the best answers are given below. 

[By Hon. Thomas H. Dudley, of New Jersey.] 

Because protection promotes the prosperity and welfare of the country by 
giving employment to labor and developing the resources of the nation. The 
more general the employment of the people, the larger the production, and the 
greater the production the cheaper the price of the commodities produced will 
be to the consumers who use them. Protection or self-preservation is a prin- 
ciple implanted by God upon all animated matter, and it is better, not only 
for the nation itself, but for the people of the whole world, that such protection 
should be given to labor in each nation as . produce the same results in pro- 
duction in each separate country. 

[By Hon. J. P. Dolliver, United States Senator from Iowa.] 

I believe in the doctrine of protection because the fact of our national ex- 
perience thoroughly exemplify its truth. No great American statesmen, except 
the half-forgotten leaders of the slave power, have disowned the protective 
system. The importers' trust and the slave trust have been alone in their hos- 
tility to that system, each for obvious reasons peculiar to itself. If the doctrine 
of protection is not true, our people have blindly followed a blind leadership. 
If the policy of protection is not wise, it indicates that the human race, outside 
of England, has not sense enough to take care of itself. I will not thus dis- 
parage the average common sense of our own country, nor thus discredit the 
average common sense of mankind. 

[By David Hall Rice, of Boston.] 

Between nations but two systems have ever existed, the free-trade-tariff system 
and the protective-tariff system. 

The fruit of the free-trade-tariff system is, in the words of the British Kcyal 
Commission, intermittent and consequently dear production and absence of 
reliable profits; in the words of General Booth, over 3,000,000 of helpless and 
starving British workmen, begging for work to earn the bare bread of daily 
existence; in the words of Cardinal Manning, "the capital that stagnates" and 
"the starvation wages of the [BritisH] labor market." 

The fruit of the protective-tariff system is — by reserving the sure home market 
to the competition of American producers — continuous and consequently eco- 
nomical and profitable production, giving cheap prices to the ultimate consumer, 
fair returns on invested capital, and the highest wages in the world to labor. 
Under it neither capital stagnates nor labor starves, but both do their work 
together. 

That if why I am a protectionist. 



15 

[By Hon. B. F. Jones, of Pittsburg.] 

I am a protectionist because our country has prospered with protection and 
languished without it. 

Because revenue can more easily, more surely, and with less objection be raised 
by judicious protective tariff laws than otherwise. 

Because protection diversifies employment and largely relieves wage earners 
from foreign competition, thereby enabling them to be liberal consumers as well 
as producers. 

Because, as has been demonstrated, the effect of protection is the cheapening 
of products. 

Because defense against injurious importations is as necessary and justifiable 
as is an army and navy. 

Because the theory of free trade between nations is as fallacious, impracticable, 
and utterly absurd as is that of free love between families. 

[By Hon. L. R. Casey, former United States Senator from North Dakota.] 

Because protection steadily enlarges the home market for farm products. 

England buys the world's surplus wheat. She demands "a big loaf for 
tupence." Accordingly, she gluts her markets from every source and usually 
is able to dictate unprofitable prices for American grain. 

When our exportable surplus is large, prices are rarely good; when small, 
always; so that, strangely, a deficient yield is sometimes good luck for the 
farmer. 

Well-paid wage-earners are generous consumers. 

Protection alone insures American labor against European pauper wages. 

When, under protection, American industries shall employ bread eaters suffi- 
cient to nearly consume American cereals, then the farmer will no longer sell his 
grain at cost of production or less. He will escape the competition of the ryot 
and the serf. His industry will be profitable, his calling honored and truly inde- 
pendent. 

[By Hon. D. B. Hexdersox, former Speaker United States House of Repre- 
sentatives.] 

First. Because the civilized world substantially protects itself, thus forcing 
us to protect ourselves. 

Second. Because all the conditions of men and of women in this country are 
better than in other countries, and protection is needed to preserve our happier 
conditions. 

Third. Because I want labor to get the best possible wages for its efforts. 

Fourth. Because I want agriculture to find a near, sure, and rich market. 

Fifth. Because I want to keep the capital and labor of this country all actively 
employed, each helping the other. 

[By Edwik A. Hartshorx, of Troy, N. Y.] 

Because protection insures the greatest possible good to the greatest possible 
number. 

Because steam and electricity have practically annihilated space, while climatic 
conditions render living impossible upon the same income in all countries. 



16 

Because self-government under a labor system so degraded as to prohibit uni- 
versal education is an impossibility. 

Because protection is the first law of national, as well as individual, preserva- 
tion, and self-preservation is the first law of nature. 

Because cheap labor and free foreign trade were the fundamental principles 
of the Southern Confederacy, which threatened the destruction of our priceless 
Government. 

[By H. K. Thurber.]. 

I am a protectionist because thrift follows the enactment of wise laws. 

Because I love my own country better than I do foreign countries. 

Because protection builds up our towns into cities and enhances the value of 
our houses and lands. 

Because every dollar sent abroad to purchase goods that we can produce at 
home makes us a dollar the poorer. 

Because protection in this country gives labor better wages than free trade. 

Because it is better for this country to feed, clothe, and 'house our own labor 
in this country than to support foreign labor in other countries with our money. 

Because it is true, as Peter Cooper well said: "No goods purchased abroad are 
cheap that take the place of our own labor and our own raw material." 

[By Hon. Ellis H. Roberts, Treasurer of the United States.] 

In my judgment the purpose in raising revenue should be first to promote 
production, from which spring a nation's wealth and power. Consumption will 
follow. 

In home production the whole cost of the commodity is kept here to buy mate- 
rials and to pay wages. 

With agriculture and manufactures developed by stable protection a surplus 
will be produced to seek external markets by ships made by American mechanics 
from our native products. 

Home markets are best for our own producers, and their development is the 
condition of a foreign trade large and varied enough to endure and expand. 

[By Hon. P. C. Cheney, ex-governor of New Hampshire.] 

I believe in the inherent right of self-preservation, both for man and govern- 
ment. My observation and experience, both in this and foreign countries, assure 
me that a "free-trade" policy for America inures only to the benefit of those 
abroad. All foreign nations know this, and hence urge us to adopt it. Our 
loss would be their gain. Only by protection are we enabled to pay the highest 
for labor and sell the lowest to the workman. 

This condition makes the United States conspicuously prosperous. 

Our government should be as exacting from foreigners as from Americans. 
Make them pay duty while we pay taxes. 



America in the Philippines 

By Hon. A. W. Fergusson, Executive Secretary 
to Hon. William H. Taft, Ex-Governor of the 
Philippines, now Secretary of War. 

THE SUBJECT upon which I have been asked to write 
covers so large a field, has been treated by such able 
pens, and so many changes have been rung upon it, 
that it seems scarcely possible to add to its literature, 
and I shall confine myself, therefore, to what America 
has really accomplished in the Philippines rather than to con- 
sider the theme in its broadest aspect. And in the few pages 
allotted me I shall limit myself more especially to what the 
Civil Authorities have done in a quiet and unobtrusive way, 
since the work of the Army needs no praise here. It has be- 
come history. Its work has been performed in the w r ay the 
American Army has ever done its part — thoroughly and well. 
It is not the province of any army to come on a friendly visit 
to a foreign shore ; armies are set in motion when all friendly 
overtures have failed. Their task is to bring about peace 
through the arbitrament of the sword, and the hoarse accents 
of the cannon. America came to the Philippines because the 
Archipelago was considered a vulnerable point in an erstwhile 
enemy's territory. She had none but the kindliest feelings 
towards the natives of the Islands, and there might never have 
been the slightest ruction in the amicable relations at first ex- 
isting had not her intentions been misconstrued ; but in the 
controversies and uncertainties which followed Dewey's en- 
trance into the Harbor of Manila, extending over a period of 
several months, misunderstandings arose, heads became heated 
and reason fled from them on the heels of calmness. So the 
war followed. But even in war the Filipino learned the differ- 
ence between modern and fifteenth-century methods of doing 
things. He learned that an enlightened nation uses its weap- 
ons of warfare to enforce a principle, and that neither personal 
nor national hatred or vindictiveness is the power behind the 
guns. Perhaps it is not too much to say that even at this early 
date, the more advanced and enlightened Filipinos saw that 
even the acquisition of territory was a minor consideration with 



The J 904 Republican 35 

the Republic beyond the seas, and that having acquired sov- 
ereignty — through no desire of her own but from an over- 
whelming force of circumstances — over eight millions people, 
it became her duty to teach them those ideals and conceptions 
of liberty that have made America great and that stand for the 
best that is known of civilization throughout the broad world. 
However this may be, the Filipinos, as a people, learned 
that though assault was met with counter-assault, yet friendly 
advances were met with advances more friendly still ; they saw 
that though the American soldier used his weapon aggressively 
to enforce the recognition of his country's duly acquired sov- 
ereignty yet he had no desire either to reduce them to an abject 
state or to impose burdens upon them too heavy to be borne. 
These were the lessons of the hour ; but notwithstanding this 
it was not to be expected that a people who for four centuries 
had suffered and groaned under a monarchical and military 
despotism that has hardly had a parallel in history could be con- 
tent under a martial government, however humane and consid- 
erate ; they could not be expected to appreciate the sentiment 
crystalized in the lines, — 

" Underneath the starry flag, 
Civilize them with a Krag," 

and so though thousands returned from the field and once more 
assumed the avocations of peace and made friends of the 
American officer and soldier in the towns, yet there was en- 
couragement and assistance given to the man in the field and 
the spirit of rebellion was still rampant in many breasts. 

It was at this juncture, two years ago, when the so-called 
Filipino Army had been scattered in all directions that the 
patriotic and diplomatic McKinley met the situation with a 
flank movement that is unprecedented in history. The Islands 
were in a state of insurrection and he sends to insurrecto lead- 
ers and people — not peace messengers, as is customary, who 
meet for formal talk and lay propositions before a contending 
body which they may or may not accept, men who are here to- 
day and gone to-morrow ; but he sends into the midst of these 
people, supposed to be bitter of spirit and evil of intent — five 
Americans of stalwart brains and kindly hearts to live among 
them and to say to them : — " We are here to tell you what 



The J904 Republican 37 

peace really means ; we are here to show you the blessings of 
liberty as it is known among enlightened nations ; we are here 
to admit you to brotherhood with the American, to find out 
how much you really know of what self-government is, and so 
soon as you shall show yourselves capable of it to bestow that 
blessing upon you. Your plea that you are capable of self- 
government has come before our President ; your cry for 
liberty has been heard ; your claim that you have been kept in 
subjection and your capabilities perverted and your best efforts 
stultified has been given every consideration, and we are here 
to tell you that America is ready to grant you every privilege 
and all the liberty as you are ready for it that the greatest of 
American citizens may have, except that she cannot yield to 
you the sovereign power. She dares not leave you a prey to 
your own internal dissensions and she cannot give you over to 
other nations." 

No sooner had the ship that bore the Commission hither 
anchored in the beautiful bay of Manila, than they were visited 
by a large body of prominent natives, three at least of whom 
h.ad been ministers and advisers of Aguinaldo — men who had 
always favored peace and who had parted with him when he 
determined to follow the advice of the hot-heads and break 
with the Americans. These natives were anxious to learn the 
intentions of the American Government, and when they be- 
came possessed of them, and their confidence had been won, 
they enlisted in the cause of bringing their erring and mis- 
guided brothers to their, senses. 

But a few weeks sufficed to convince the Commission that 
the encouragement they had been met with at the outset was 
not built upon sand ; day after day they were visited by seekers 
after the intentions of the Government ; by doubters who had 
been so long fed upon unfulfilled promises that there was no 
longer any faith in them. But when the time for converting 
words into deeds arrived ; when on the first of September, 
1900, the Commission entered upon its legislative functions 
and it was discovered that its first enactment was an appropri- 
ation of $1,000,000 gold for roads, and its fifth a law establish- 
ing a civil service in the Islands, based upon a merit qualifica- 
tion, followed in quick succession by a municipal code providing 




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The J904 Republican 39 

for local self-government, a provincial code, and many other 
acts drawn on broad, liberal, American lines — all of which were 
put into execution as soon as the pacified conditions in the 
provinces would permit and which served as object lessons to 
the doubters — their conversion came like that of Saul of Tarsus, 
and like him they preached among their own people the gospel 
of peace. 

Emissaries from ujipacified provinces and even from insur- 
gent leaders in the field came to hear the glad tidings first- 
hand, and some of the latter expressed the willingness of their 
commanders to surrender to the civil authorities, which, of 
course, was out of the question, as they could not be negotiated 
with while offering armed resistance to American sovereignty. 

When through the military arm of the Government several 
of the provinces had become pacified and the Commission 
visited them for the purpose of establishing civil government, 
the evidences of rejoicing on the part of the people were far 
less prefunctory when they found that they were called to- 
gether and consulted as to the best methods to pursue to meet 
local requirements before the law putting them under civil 
regime was enacted. This was something new and strange to 
them. The gentlemen in Congress who have asserted that 
the natives were muzzled at these meetings and not given free 
rein in the discussions entertain an impression which has never 
been borne in upon the writer, who was present at all of them 
and acted as interpreter. 

On the first of September, 1902, there were 40 provinces 
under civil rule in the archipelago. Of these, 30 (or 75%) had 
Filipino Governors, and 10 (or 25%) had American Governors. 
The provincial officials in these provinces were 229 in number, 
165 (or 67%) of which were Filipinos, and 82 (or 33%) Ameri- 
cans. 

As an evidence of the deep interest shown by the natives in 
the workings of a new electoral system, it will not be amiss to 
refer to the case of the gubernatorial election in the Province 
of Cebu. The Provincial Government Act provides for the 
holding of an electoral convention on the first Monday of Feb- 
ruary last (the 3d), and 435 electors (being the vice-presidents 
and councilors of the 57 organized municipalities in the Prov- 




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The J904 Republican 41 

ince) out of a possible 570 answered the roll call of the conven- 
tion. On the last ballot for Governor 434 votes were cast, of 
which the present incumbent, Juan Climaco, received 249 and 
his predecessor 122 votes, the rest being scattered. The count- 
ing of the last ballot was completed at 2 a. m., February 5th, 
after the convention had been in continuous session from the 
morning of February 3d, short recesses only being taken ; and 
the outcome of this their first lesson in American methods of 
conducting elections may be summed up in the concluding 
words of the official report of the Treasurer and Supervisor of 
the Province of Cebu, the former an officer of the United 
States Army and the latter an experienced engineer : 

" The election was absolutely fair and impartial and the result is the 
evident choice of the people as expressed by their electors and seems to 
give satisfaction to the native population." 

The files of the Executive Bureau contain many other re- 
ports regarding these elections, all of which demonstrate the 
fact that ocular proofs of the intentions of the American Gov- 
ernment and people to make good citizens out of the natives 
of the Islands are not barren of results. 

It will be seen from what precedes and follows that the civil 
authorities have "hewn straight to the line" in following the 
Instructions of the President of the United States when he 
says : 

"That in all cases the municipal officers, who administer the local 
affairs of the people, are to be selected by the people, and that wherever 
officers of more extended jurisdiction are to be selected in any way, 
natives of the Islands are to be preferred, and if they can be found com- 
petent and willing to perform the duties, they are to receive the offices in 
preference to any others." 

To the average reader figures are a bore ; but they are far 
more potent than words, and I shall introduce a few to show 
what the civil authorities have done in the Philippines along 
some lines in the last twenty-four months, to be set against 
the sad lists of military casualties which burdened the Ameri- 
can heart as they were flashed to the homeland for so long a 
time. 

During the period from September 1, 1900, to September 1, 



The J904 Republican 43 

1902, the United States Philippine Commission has held 224 
public sessions and 411 executive sessions, the record of the 
former filling 1460 type-written pages, and of the latter 11 74, 
a total in two years of 635 sessions and 2634 pages. This 
shows that there were only 85 days in the 730 elapsing between 
the dates named upon which no session was held ; but as a 
matter of fact, so far as the executive sessions are concerned, 
when two were held on the same day they have been consid- 
ered as one in this computation. During the same period 450 
laws were enacted by the Commission, or at the rate of over 
four a week. A record this which speaks for itself. 

The civil service of the Islands was composed on June 1, 
1902, of 2491 English-speaking employees, and 9986 natives, 
including 5596 enlisted men in the Philippines Constabulary, 
and excluding native school teachers receiving compensation 
from municipalities. The total yearly pay roll of the 13,257 
employees is $5,392,680. 

The number of pupils enrolled in the day public schools of 
the Archipelago this year was 200,000, in the night schools 
25,000. The number of secondary schools already established 
is 8, with a strong probability that as many more will be estab- 
lished during the year. There is now one agricultural school 
in the Islands. The present number of teachers employed is 
4192, of which 792 are teachers of English and 3400 natives. 
The average daily attendance during the past year is estimated 
at over 80 per cent., which is higher than in the United States, 
where it is 66^? per cent. 

Since the establishment of a central civil government in 
Manila on July 4, 1 901, to which all the provincial governments 
report, the work that has fallen upon the Civil Governor and 
the Executive Office can only be imagined by those who are 
acquainted with the methods prevailing in Spanish times, when 
paternalism in its most radical form prevailed, and who con- 
sider the fact that the system now obtaining is new to every 
native official. Matters of the most important and trivial 
nature are submitted to the Executive Office for decision 
through portentous-looking documents of voluminous propor- 
tions and couched in the flowery and pompous Castillian style 
that has survived the centuries. But it must be said that the 



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The J904 Republican 45 

Filipino office-holder is as quick to learn as his children, and a 
number of the officials have adopted the short, concise, official 
style of America in their correspondence. 

In every way the civil government has endeavored to carry 
out the educational features of the President's instructions. 
It has established an Agricultural Bureau which is conducted 
by able and experienced persons and provided with the most 
modern appliances and apparatus that will work havoc with all 
the relics of a by-gone age now in use here, that only serve to 
recall husbandry as it was on the banks of the Nile when the 
Pharaoh* reigned. 

A Health Department, with ramifications throughout the 
Archipelago, has likewise been created, and during the present 
cholera epidemic it has done more to instruct the native in 
latter-day methods and to eradicate old ideas and superstitions 
than almost any other innovation. The average native by na- 
ture and Spanish teaching has always believed that he was in 
the hands of the Almighty, and was not trammeled by any 
duties or obligations. Dios ang bahala (God will provide) was 
his motto, and come better or come worse it was all the same 
to him. When the epidemic came and the Health Department 
met it heroically, he soon learned that those of his fellows who 
followed the rules laid down for preventing a spread of the 
disease were often saved, while others who supinely waited on 
Providence were taken hence, and he profited by the lesson. 
He also discovered during this time that the authorities were 
his friends and not his enemies, as he had always considered 
them in former times. 

Another great work of the civil authorities was the creation 
of the Philippines Constabulary in August of last year, a body 
which by its loyal work has justified its creation and now forms 
the bulwarks of the civil regime. Composed of 5596 natives 
officered by 230 Americans, the large majority of whom have 
seen hard service in the field, it is gradually taking the place 
of the army, as the latter is reduced and sent home. On 
December 1 1, 1901, the army occupied 459 posts in the Islands ; 
on the 15th of September, 1902, it occupied 177, the stations 
abandoned in that time being 282. The number of army posts 
occupied by the Constabulary and military is 39. The total 



The J904 Republican 47 

number of Constabulary posts in the Archipelago at this time 
is*225. The following figures relating to the Philippines Con- 
stabulary will also be of interest : The arms on hand on Sep- 
tember 15, 1902, were 2405 shotguns, 2502 revolvers, 3472 rifles, 
and 1423 carbines. The number of ponies on hand was 750, 
of which 552 were fit for service. The arms captured and sur- 
rendered since the organization of the Constabulary have been 
1 3 16 rifles and carbines, 381 revolvers, 186 shotguns, 14 can- 
non, 6 muskets, 174 native-made guns, 6 iron and 6 wooden 
guns ; fire-arms of all kinds captured and surrendered since 
the organization of the Constabulary, 2089 5 rounds of ammu- 
nition captured, 11,691; rounds assorted, 155 cannon balls, 
6 cases of one-pound rapid fire shells, 1 y 2 cans gunpowder ; 
casualties to inspectors and enlisted men since the organization 
of the body : killed, two inspectors and 20 enlisted men ; 
wounded, 42 enlisted men ; expeditions made since organiza- 
tion, 2736; miles covered, 110,466; stolen animals recovered 
since the organization, 738 carabaos, 162 horses, 40 oxen, and 
19 head of neat cattle. 

The police force of the City of Manila is remarked upon by 
every visitor to the capital. It is on a par with any similar 
body of men anywhere. 

All this has been the work of two years, and much of it has 
been accomplished in the face of great obstacles, not the least 
of which has been the securing of good material to fill the 
offices where the field is naturally limited, and the difficulty of 
retaining it. The experience of one of the large departments 
of the Civil Government will convey an idea of this. It em- 
ploys 475 men, and has discharged 190 of these in the last six 
months, 180 of whom resigned, in greater part to accept better 
positions in private life or in other offices. It will be readily 
seen that if the same ratio of discharges continues for the next 
six months that 82 per cent, of the force will have to be re- 
newed in the period of one year. A problem this which cries 
aloud for solution. 

Space forbids a more detailed statement of what America 
has done in the Philippines ; but one thing is certain : These 
Islands have passed from the sovereignty of a nation that rev- 
els in retrospection to that of a young and stalwart nation that 





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The \ 904 Republican 49 

rejoices in anticipation. One is looking backward, the other 
forward. 

America is in the Philippines to protect the weak and uned- 
ucated majority from the encroachments and despotism of the 
educated and wealthy minority. She is here to enlighten, up- 
lift and dignify the native races and furnish them justification 
for their pride of race ; to do away with forced labor among 
them ; to teach them disinterested patriotism, and bring them 
to a realization of the fact that they best serve the public who 
forget themselves. 

America has been already long enough in the Philippines to 
show the inhabitants of these fair Islands that the men from 
the Occident came to the Orient in no repellant guise, but as 
friends who would share with them the blessings of liberty. 

The natives, as a fact, have known two Americas. The 
America they knew through the armed forces of the United 
States, they respected ; the America they came to know 
through the civil agents of the United States, they admire, and 
in the process of time — let us hope — will revere. 



The J904 Republican 51 

Business Opportunities in the Philippines* 

By Captain F. E. Green, President Chamber of Commerce, Manila, P. I. 



In considering the development of the Philippine Islands 
prior to the American occupation, it must be remembered 
that less than 25 per cent, of the area of the Islands was di- 
rectly under Spanish rule. The most favorably disposed and 
conveniently situated parts of the Archipelago were given 
agricultural attention, while the other parts were allowed to lie 
fallow, or were left with such cultivation as the Filipinos cared 
to give them. As a rule the Spaniards did little to encourage 
the development of the country's resources — in fact, they 
seem to have stultified rather than fostered agricultural enter- 
prise. This resulted from (a) an unjust system of taxation; 
(b) insufficient protection to property holders ; (c) excessive 
support of the Church. An illustration of this latter is found 
in the fact that in many towns of a population of several 
thousand, the valuation of the church buildings exceeds that 
of the total of all other buildings. As a result of these con- 
ditions, the people have had but little inducement to develop 
the country or accumulate wealth. They preferred a poverty 
which yielded nothing to an increment which would be con- 
sumed by others. In consequence, real business opportunities 
were made available to only Spanish and foreign houses, who 
advanced money each year, wherever necessary, to small 
farmers and planters, thus securing the first lien on each 
year's products. The deadening results of such a system can 
easily be imagined. 

Under American rule, with more adequate protection, just 
taxation, property rights respected, importation of modern 
farming implements and machinery and with the introduction 
of experimental farms and new methods, with education and 
improved sanitation to avoid epidemic diseases, and with gen- 
eral imports greater than ever before, there should be develop- 
ment and growth all over the country. New conditions will 
create new demands; with this will come higher aspirations ; 
the things which were formerly regarded as luxuries will now 
be looked upon as necessities. The result of all this should 
be an unprecedented stimulation in every phase of native life. 
Ambition will be aroused, and every energy excited to health- 
ul activity. 




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The 1904 Republican 53 

One of the results of such a reformation should be a general 
development of the country's wonderful resources. Of these, 
but little is at present known. Few persons realize that in 
these Islands one acre of ground can produce sufficient to 
support a large family. Among the staple products the 
principal are : hemp, sugar, tobacco, timber, indigo, and rub- 
ber. The supply of these products can be increased almost 
without limit. Among other products are : cotton and grains. 
Experiments demonstrate that these two latter will flourish in 
a manner which compares advantageously with the most fav- 
ored places of production. 

The Archipelago is equally well favored with minerals. 
The possibilities in this direction are now only beginning to be 
known. Coal, copper, and gold have been worked in many 
parts for centuries, but in such a manner as to give only a 
hint of the great wealth now lying latent. 

Among our present needs stands first of all, foreign labor. 
Native labor has proved thoroughly inefficient and unreliable. 
The necessity of labor other than Filipino is universally rec- 
ognized, and has commended itself even to the Filipino em- 
ployer, who urges it quite as strongly as Americans and 
Europeans. 

Another crying need is more capital. The wonderful op- 
portunities for investment are altogether generally unrealized. 
Industries now in their infancy have a future whose horizon is 
unbounded. 

Besides, this is a country, not only for the capitalist, but for 
the man with only reasonable means. A rich soil and a kindly 
climate offer every inducement to the settler. It is often re- 
marked that the Philippine climate is unhealthy, but with 
proper care it is no more so than that of the United States. 
The health of the soldiers in camps where good sanitation pre- 
vails, compares favorably with that among those at home. 

The Philippine Archipelago is a land of promise. In the 
East it is recognized as the coming center of commercial ac- 
tivity. Its wonderful fertility, combined with its mineral 
resources, warrant the most sanguine expectations and proph- 
esy a magnificent future. The best evidence of this is the 
firm and unwavering faith of those who are here, and have 
been here, and have spied out the land. They have seen and 
are satisfied. 



Copyright, 1904, by Herbert E. Ellsworth 




A Filipino Child 
Ilocano Woman 



A Manila Girl 
Visayan Woman 



Copyright, 1904, by Herbert E. Ellsworth 




Waterfalls at Benguet 
Gathering "Tuba" 



Gorge at Pagsanjan, P. I. 
On the Pagsanjan River 



Copyright, 1904, by Herbert E. Ellsworth 




1 U. S. Troops Building Bridges 

2 Church at Iloilo, P. I. 

3 U. S. Army Camp, Mindanao, P. 

4 Natives Treed by a Carabao 

5 War Dance of the Savages 



(> Gathering Cocoanuts 

7 Entrance to Iloilo, P. I. 

8 Moro Kids 

9 Street Scenes, Zainboanga, P. I. 




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1 Ilocano Woman Weaving silk 

2 Entrance to Zamboanga, P. I. 



3 Spanish Fort in Mindanao 

4 The famous Sultan of Jolo and 

Col. Wallace, U. S. Army 



Copyright, 1904, by Herbert E. Ellsworth 




1 The Niagara of Mindanao 

2 Moro Woman 

3 Moro Making Fish Net 



4 Blowing up Fort Pawlus 

5 Moro Savage 

6 U. S. Troops on Parade 



Copyright, 1904, by Herbert E. Ellsworth 




1 Moro Chiefs and Slaves 

2 Fishing Stream 

3 Moro Carpenter 

4 Moro Savages 

5 General Sumner and Moro Chiefs 



6 Rice Field 

7 Filipino Presidente's Home 

8 Filipino Funeral 

9 Camp Wallace, Manila 



Copyright, 1904, by Herbert E. Ellsworth 




1 Moro Fishermen 

2 Moro Woman and Kid 

3 Soldiers returning from Battle 

4 Moros carrying sick Soldier 

5 Scene at Malabang, P. I. 



6 Mule Train 

7 Soldiers and Filipino Skulls 

8 Scene at Malabang 

9 U. S. Troops at Jolo, P. I. 




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Ilocano Savages 
Cocoamit Avenue 



Filipino Tomb 
Old Spanish Fort 



70 The t904 Republican 

Constitution 

of the 

Young Men's Republican Club, 



Article I. 

This association shall be called the Young Men's Repub- 
lican Club of Rhode Island, and its object, the encourage- 
ment of Republican principles. 

Article II. 

The officers of this Club shall consist of a President, three 
Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, a Treasurer, an Executive Coun- 
cil, a Finance Committee, a Committee on Membership, a Reg- 
istration Committee, and a Committee on Speakers, to be 
elected at each annual meeting. 

Article III. 

It shall be the duty of the President to preside at all meet- 
ings of the Club, to preserve order, to put questions to vote, 
and to give the casting vote, to supply vacancies in the offices 
of the Club until the same are otherwise supplied, to state the 
business on record to be transacted, to appoint all committees, 
unless otherwise ordered by the Club, or the Executive Coun- 
cil, and he may at any time supply his place in the chair, but 
shall resume the same at the request of three members. 

* Article IV. 

In the absence of the . President, the duties of the office 
shall devolve upon the Vice-Presidents in order of seniority, 
and in the absence of all, a Chairman shall be elected by a 
majority of the members present. 

Article V. 

It shall be the duty of the Secretary to keep a true record 
of the proceedings of the Club, to take charge of all papers 



The J904 Republican 71 

and documents belonging to the Club, to notify all members 
of admission, and generally to perform all the duties apper- 
taining to the office of Secretary. 

Article VI. 

It shall be the duty of the Treasurer to keep all accounts, 
receive all money belonging to the Club, pay all bills when 
properly audited, and report the state of the treasury at every 
annual meeting, or oftener if required ; he may be required to 
give bond with satisfactory sureties, in such an amount as may 
be determined by the executive Council. 

Article VII. 

The Executive Council shall consist of the President, three 
Vice-Presidents, Secretary and Treasurer, ex officio, and one 
member from each ward of the City of Providence, whose 
duties it shall be to consider all matters relating to the Club, 
other than those provided in this Constitution for the other 
committees. 

Article VIII. 

The Finance Committee shall consist of five members, 
whose duty it shall be to audit all bills, and consider all mat- 
ters relating to the finances of the Club. 

•Article IX. 

The Committee on Membership shall consist of three mem- 
bers from each of the wards of the City of Providence, to 
whom all applications for membership shall be referred, and 
by them considered. 

Article X. 

The Registration Committee shall consist of one member 
from each voting district of each ward of the City of Provi- 
dence. The Chairman of each ward committee shall be the 
member of the Executive Council from each ward. The duty 
of the Registration Committee shall be to attend to all mat- 
ters in their several wards that may be of interest to the Club, 
and the Republican party, report to the Club the state of the 



72 The 1904 Republican 

registry for their several wards and use all proper means to 
induce citizens to register and become personal property vot- 
ers. 

Article XI. 

The Committee on Speakers shall consist of five members, 
whose duty it shall be to provide speakers for the meetings of 
the Club and provide entertainment for said speakers so long 
as they shall be the guests of the Club. 

Article XII. 

The annual meeting of this Club shall be held on the sec- 
ond Thursday in January, at seven and one-half o'clock in the 
evening, when the officers shall be elected. 

Article XIII. 

The regular meetings of this Club shall be held on the sec- 
ond Thursday in the months of October, November, Decem- 
ber, January, February, March, April and May, at seven and 
one-half o'clock in the evening. 

Article XIV. 
The admission fee to membership in this Club shall be $1.00. 

Article XV. 

The annual tax of this Club shall be $5.00, which shall be 
due and payable semi-annually in advance, on the first day of 
January and the first day of July in each year. 

Article XVI. 

All elections by this Club shall be by ballot, unless other- 
wise ordered. 

Article XVII. 

This constitution may be amended by a vote of three-fourths 
of the members present at any regular meeting or at any spe- 
cial meeting called for that purpose. All proposed amend- 
ments shall be stated in writing and notice thereof mailed to 
each member at least two weeks in advance of the meeting at 
which such amendments are to be proposed for adoption. 



The J904 Republican 73 

By-Laws 

of the 

Young Men's Republican Club, 



Article I. — Meetings. 

Section i. — Eight members shall constitute a quorum for 
the ordinary business of the Club, but no alterations in the 
By-Laws or rules of order, nor any order incurring expense 
upon the members of the Club, shall be made unless at least 
twenty-five members are present, and voting on the question. 

Sec. 2. — A special meeting shall be called by the President 
at any time, or at the written request of eight members, and 
the secretary shall notify the members of such meeting. 

Sec. 3. — The following rules of order shall be observed at 
the meetings of this Club : 

1. The proceedings of the previous meeting shall be 

read. 

2. Reports of Committees. 

3. General Business. 

4. Ayes and nays shall be called and recorded by the 

Secretary at the request of one-fifth of the mem- 
bers present. 

Article II. — Membership. 

Section 1. — All propositions for membership shall be on a 
printed form, to be furnished by the Secretary, which shall be 
signed by the person applying for membership, and shall be 
approved by the Ward Committee on Membership of the ward 
in which the applicant resides. Said application shall be read 
at any regular or special meeting of the Club, and, if approved 
by the Ward Committee, the applicant shall be admitted to 



74 The J904 Republican 

membership at the same meeting, provided a four-fifth vote of 
those present be cast in his favor. 

Sec. 2. — All propositions for membership shall be sent to 
the Secretary, who shall refer them immediately to the proper 
Ward Committee. 

Sec. 3. — Any member of this Club may invite visitors to 
any regular or special meeting with the exception of the an- 
nual meeting, by giving a proper notice to the Secretary, and 
by paying the sum of $2.00 for each visitor. 

Sec. 4. — Any person who shall have been admitted a mem- 
ber and shall neglect to pay his annual tax for three months, 
from the time of his admission, shall be considered ineligible 
to membership, unless again proposed and admitted. 

Sec. 5. — Any member shall be entitled to withdraw from 
the Club by giving a written notice to the Secretary six weeks 
previous to the next regular meeting. 

Sec. 6. — Any member shall be liable to expulsion for disor- 
derly or immoral conduct, or neglecting for six months to pay 
his proportion of assessments or taxes. 



Article III. — Finances. 

Section 1. — Special taxes or assessments cannot be levied 
upon the members of this Club, unless notice has been given 
by the member offering such resolution providing for such as- 
sessment or tax, at a previous regular meeting, nor unless 
twenty-five members are present and voting on the question, 
as provided in Article 1, -Section 1. 

Sec. 2. — No officer or member of this Club shall contract 
any bill against the Club without the approval of the Finance 
Committee. This shall not apply to the necessary expenses 
attending Regular Meetings, or to the expense of calling a 
Special Meeting of the Club. 



The J904 Republican 



75 







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The \ 904 Republican 





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The 1904 Republican 79 

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80 



The 1904 Republican 



INDUSTRIAL TRUST 

COMPANY, PROVIDENCE, R. I. 

Statement of the Condition as made under call of the 
State Auditor, June 30, 1904 

(condensed) 



Resources 

Loans and Discounts 

Real Estate Mortgages 

Bonds and Stocks .:.... 
Industrial Trust Company Building, Providence, 
Industrial Trust Company Building, Pawtucket, 
Other Real Estate 



Call Loans . 

Due from Banks, Bankers 

Treasurer of U. S. 
Cash in Vaults 



and 



$3,308,882 26 

3>999 5 789 38 
842,439 01 



Liabilities 



Capital Stock 
Surplus 

Undivided Profits 
Deposits 



14,306,672 40 

973,335 13 

10,595,258 54 

748,111 16 

79,000 00 

6,410 04 



8,151,110 65 
$34,859,897 92 

$1,500,000 00 

1,200,000 00 

53 6 ,5i8 16 

31,623,379 76 

134,859,897 92 



Board of Directors 



Samuel P. Colt, President 

Olney T. Inman, Yarn Manufacturer, Pas- 

coag, R. I. 
George Peabody Wetmore, U. S. Senator 

from Rhode Island 
William R. Dupee, of Messrs. Nichols, Du- 

pee & Co., Wool Merchants, Boston, Mass. 
Warren O. Arnold, Woolen Manufacturer, 

Westerly, R. I. 
Richard A. Robertson, Treas. Providence 

Engineering Works, Providence, R. I. 
Joshua M. Addeman, Ex-Secretary of State, 

Vice-President 
W.T.C.Wardwell, Ex-Lieutenant Governor, 

Bristol, R. I. 
James M. Scott, Providence, R. I. 
William H. Perry, Wholesale Iron and 

Steel, Providence, R. I. 
Arthur L. Kelley, President Mechanical 

Fabric Co., Providence, R. I. 
H. Martin Brown, Treasurer U. S. Bobbin 

and Shuttle Co., Providence, R. I. 
Frederick Tompkins, Newport, R. I. 
Levi P. Morton, Ex -Vice -President of 

United States, New York 
James Stillman, President National City 

Bank, New York 



George F. Baker, President First National 

Bank, New York 
Richard A. McCurdy, President Mutual 

Life Ins. Co., New York 
G. G. Haven, Director Mutual Life Ins. Co. 

and Nat'l Bank of Commerce, New York 
Thomas F. Ryan, Vice-President Morton 

Trust Co., New York 
Henry A. C. Taylor, Director National City 

Bank, New York, Newport, R. I. 
George M. Thornton, Treasurer Union 

Wadding Co., Pawtucket, R. I. 
George H. Norman, Newport, R. I. 
Cyrus P. Brown, Treasurer 
Elbridge T. Gerry, Newport, R. I. 
Jacob H. Schiff, of Messrs. Kuhn, Loeb & 

Co., Bankers, New York 
Richard S. Howland, General Manager 

Providence Journal Co., Providence, R.I. 
Chas. C. Harrington, President Mechanics 

Savings Bank, Providence, R. I. 
Joseph Davol, President Davol Rubber Co., 

Providence, R. I. 
Louis H. Comstock, of Messrs. Comstock 

&Co., Providence, R. I. 
Herbert N. Fenner, President New England 

Butt Co., Providence, R. I. 



The J904 Republican 



AMERICAN and BRITISH 

MANUFACTURING COMPANY 










Bridgeport, Conn., Plant 

Guns, Projectiles, Fuses 
Drop and Hydraulic Forgings 
Tools, Gauges, Models 




Providence, R. I., Plant 


Geo. H. Corliss Engines 
Greene -Wheelock Engines 
Diesel Engines 








AMERICAN AND BRITISH 

MANUFACTURING COMPANY 




Hox. GEORGE B. CORTLEYOU 

CHAIRMAN REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE 



The J904 Republican 



/MFf% GOt*tGlyOU got his first start in 
life through training received in a business school. Thousands 
of our leading business men look back to the business school 
as the first stepping-stone to success. 

While the power to rise must be in the man, the business 
school brings out and reveals to him his power, and trains him 
to use that power successfully. 

The Bryant and Stratton Business College, 357 Westminster 
Street, Providence, Rhode Island, points with just pride to its 
many graduates w r ho are now successful business men. It re- 
members these students as untrained boys, many of them 
coming from the farm, or humble home, but who when the 
true principles of correct business were presented realized the 
possibilities that were open to them, and put themselves to 
close and serious study under the discipline and training of 
thorough and experienced teachers. 

They were thus prepared to accept the positions the school, 
through its large acquaintance with the business world, was 
able to secure for them. In these positions, by the thorough 
training the school had given them, they were enabled to make 
thorough and rapid advancement towards the largest succesr. 

The school can do for you what it did for them, and better, 
because of improved methods and environment. 

The Principal, T. B. Stowell, will send you an illustrated 
catalogue post free on application. 



The 1904 Republican 



David M. Thompson, President 
Edwin Hadley, Jr., Sec'y and Trtas. 

F. W. Reynolds Company 



32-36 SOUTH WATER STREET 
PROVIDENCE, R.I. 



Cotton iYlerchants 



American and Egyptian Cottons 

Long Staples a specialty 




FREDERICK H. JACKSON 

Republican Nominee for Lieutenant-Governor 

of Rhode Island 




WILLIAM B. GREENOUGH 

Republican Nominee for Attorney General 

of Rhode Island 



i' 







Col. SAMUEL POMROY COLT 

President of the Industrial Trust Company 

Providence, R. I. 





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JAMES F. FREEMAN 

President of the Board of Aldermen 

Providence, R. I. 




FRANK E. HOLDEN 

Chairman Republican State Central Committee 

of Rhode Island 



.< 




NATHAN M. WRIGHT 

Secretary and Treasurer Republican State Central 

Committee of Rhode Island 




WM. SPRAGUE 

of Providence 

1860 to March 3, 1863 



HENRY HOWARD 
of Coventry 
1873 to 1875 



AUGUSTUS O. BOURN 
of Bristol 
1883 to 1885 




ROYAL C. TAFT 

1888 to 1889 



HERBERT W. LADD 

of Providence 
1889 to 1890, 1891 to 1S92 



D. RUSSELL BROWN 

of Providence 

1892 to 1895 




CHARLES WARREN LIPPITT 

of Providence 

1895 to 1897 



ELISHA DYER 

of Providence 

1897 to 1900 



CHARLES DEAN KIMBALL 

of Providence 

Dec. 16, 1901, to 1903 



Republican Governors of Rhode Island, 



The 1904 Republican 



81 



sr: 



*3 



CITIZENS 
SAVINGS BANK 

846 WESTMINSTER STREET 

PROVIDENCE, R. I. 



President . 
Vice- President 



JAMES B. PAINE 
ARTHUR E. AUSTIN 



* 



Directors 

LESTER S. HILL E. C. OSTBY 

CHARLES LAW DANIEL P. WILLIAMS 

EDWIN LOWE EZRA K. PERKINS 

CHARLES F. IRONS WM. A. WILKINSON 



DIVIDENDS JANUARY AND JULY 
Interest Commences on the First of Each Month 



E. ALLEN, Secretary and Treasurer 



5, 



JS 



82 



The 1904: Republican 






Established 1838 



AMERICAN SCREW CO. 



MANUFACTURERS OF 



Wood Screws 
Machine Screws 
Tire Bolts 



Stove Bolts 
Stove Rods 
Sink Bolts 



Sleigh-Shoe Bolts Rivets and Burrs 

and kindred articles 



PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND 
U. S. A. 





The \ 904 Republican 83 

PROVIDENCE, 
BELTING CO. 



MANUFACTURERS 
OF PURE 



BARK | | A 1^ TANNED 

LEATHER 
BELTING 



Providence Belting Co 

25-39 CHARLES STREET 

PROVIDENCE, R. I. 



84 



The J904 Republican 






ATIONAL 



Ring 



Traveler 
Company* 

9ROVIDENCERI- 
USA- 





The \ 904 Republican 



85 




IRONS & RUSSELL 

(Successors to Charles F. Irons) 

Manufacturers of Solid Gold and Rolled Plate 

Emblems, Pins, Charms and Buttons 

Chestnut Street, corner Clifford 

Charles F. Irons PROVIDENCE, R. I. Charles A. Russell 



86 



The \ 904 Republican 



Grompton Company 



Manufacturers, Dyers and Finishers 
of 



CORDUROYS 

AND = 

VELVETEENS 



Works, Crompton, R. I. 



Office 
49 Westminster Street, Providence, R. I. 



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The J904 Republican 



87 



Wm. G. Bassett, President Jos. W. Green, Jr., Treasurer 

Established 1863 

Glendale Elastic Fabrics Co, 



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MANUFACTURERS 
OF 




Elastic Gonngs 






Cords 






Braids and 






Narrow Webs 


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Easthampton, Mass., and Providence, R. I 

Long Distance Telephone 




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The J904 Republican 89 

COLLEY & COMPANY 
Bankers and Brokers 




STOCKS and BONDS 



49 



Westminster Street . Providence. R. I 



F. W. Tillinghast, President G. E. Tillinghast, Treasurer 

J. P. Eddy, Jr., Secretary 



THE 



TILLINGHAST, STILES CO. 



COMMISSION MERCHANTS 



Cotton and 



Yarns 



Worsted 

All Numbers and Colors 

Industrial Trust Company Building, PROVIDENCE R I 

Rooms 418, 419, 420, 421 ' 

Telephone No. 2003 
507 Wool Exchange Building, New York 



90 



The 1904 Republican 



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ST : 1 

* INDEPENDENTS 
REPUBLICANS 
DEMOCRATS 



Vote for Parker if you 
think wise, or for 
Roosevelt if you wish, 
but whoever you vote 
for you should do your 
trading at the only 
cosmopolitan market 
in Providence. 

PROVIDENCE PUBLIC 
MARKET COMPANY 



* 



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-*£S^se^ss»«" 



*»• 



The \ 904 Republican 



91 



The. Abbott Company 

5 Dorrance Street, Providence and 
231 Main Street, Woonsocket, R. I. 



Public Decorators 




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Headquarters for Campaign Goods 

of every description 



92 



The 1904 Republican 




FIFTEEN years of constant study of ruptures 
by Prof. J. W. Bunker has enabled him to 
bring to a state of perfection the Bunker 
Truss which, without a doubt, revolutionizes the 
treatment of ruptures. The Bunker Truss can 
be fitted by anyone, and it is the easiest truss to 
wear that was ever invented. Fifty per cent, of 
ruptures fitted by a Bunker Truss will be cured 
and all cases will be perfectly held with the greatest of comfort. 

Bunker Truss Co., Providence, R. I., September 3, 1904. 

New York, N. Y. 
Gentlemen : — I was attracted to the display of the Bunker Truss on the automatic figure 
in the window of the R. I. Drug Co.'s store, 372 Westminster Street, by the large crowd looking 
at it. I have had a scrotal rupture for twelve years, never had a truss that would hold me until 
I tried the Bunker Truss. Dr. Robinson, who had the demonstration in charge, fitted me about 
July 1st. 

To-day, September 3d, I can say that I can go for two or three days without wearing the 
truss and am rapidly improving. No amount of money could buy this truss from me if I could 
not get another. It certainly does more than what you claim for it. I firmly believe that I will 
be cured inside of three months. Yours truly, 

Chauncey L. Barrett, 
[seal.] Subscribed and sworn to before me this 3d day of September, A. D. 1904. 

Dexter B. Potter, Notary Public. 

In reference to the above statements we are pleased to say that ever since the existence of 
our store we have fitted and sold all kinds of trusses, receiving our share of patronage. 

We have never had a truss that would cure a rupture until we took hold of the Bunker 
Truss, and since we have begun fitting ruptures with the Bunker Truss we have cured 50t and 
held every case. Our sales of the Bunker Truss are twenty-five times greater than any truss or 
all trusses we have ever sold. 

Having had the Bunker Truss thoroughly proven to our satisfaction to do what was claimed 
for it, we immediately took steps to purchase the State Right for Rhode Island, and we are now 
the Sole Agents for the State of Rhode Island. 

We highly recommend and endorse the Bunker Truss, guaranteeing every sale in our store. 

RHODE ISLAND DRUG COMPANY 



372 WESTMINSTER STREET 



PROVIDENCE, R. I. 



The 1904 Republican 



9S 



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] anqusi ,J§> C 



Like the Famous Lager , has no equal 



Compliments o. 



Burke Bros. 



I J to 2 J Eddy Street 



Providence^ R. I. 



94 



The 1904 Republican 



CLARK & COOMBS CO 







Manufacturing Jewelers 



86 West Exchange Street, Providence, R. I 



The \ 904 Republican 



95 



F. T. PEARCE & CO. 



MAKERS OF 



Gold Pens 




also 
Fountain 

and 
Stylographic Pens 



Holders, Pencils 
Tooth Picks 
and Cigar 
Piercers 



Head Office and Works 

&5 Sprague Street, Providence, R. I. 



New York Office, 3 Maiden Lane 



J. H. HIGGINS & CO 



DEALERS IN 



Scrap Iron and Metals 



S7 BROADWAY 



PROVIDENCE, R. I 



k 



Rhode Island's Pride 
9t 



FFeneh |aundry §oap 



For forty years the leader for Laundry pur- 
poses ; leaves the clothes sweet and clean 



Soapine Did iti 



And is still doing it all the time 
Ask the Millions Who Are Using: It 



96 



The J904 Republican 



To Those Who Play the Piano 




HANS SCHNEIDER 



.,— * <>>. +<r&/IW* ^ - ^^^ " 



1870 
EUGENE F. PHILLIPS 

1882 
AMERICAN ELECTRICAL WORKS 



34 years of Progress 

under 

Republican Administration 



Illustrated by the views within 
of the 

American Electrical Works 

and its connection 
The Washburn Wire Company 



The J904 Republican 



- 



, 



- 




PROVIDENCE 



RHODE, ISLAND 



The 1904 Republican 



The Greatest Diamond Store 

East of New York City 

We not only carry largest assortments and sell at lower 
prices, but we give a written guarantee to buy back any 
diamond at a slight discount from the price paid — reason 
or no reason. We protect every diamond bought here. 

SSsSSfa All Talking Machines 

Our " Edison Room" contains the latest improved machines 
of all desirable makes. Sold on easy terms, if desired, 
without extra charge. All Edison and Victor Records 
as fast as published are received here. Private booths, glad 
to play any record you want to hear. Repairing by factory 
experts. Complete assortment of all parts in stock. Prompt 
Visitors invited. 



FOSTER'S, 



Corner Dorrance and Wey- 
bosset Streets, Providence 



WHAT OTHERS SAY ABOUT US. 

WE have heard it said that the best name that was ever sele< ted for a life insur- 
ance company is that which was borne by the Mutual Benefit Life, of Newark. 
Certainly the Company has lived up to the name, for it is recognized throughout the 
country as peculiarly a policy-holder's company, always to be depended upon to 
deal justly, Hbera'ly and even generously. * * * 

" In spite of the low rate of expenses and the taxes to total income shown in the 
previous year, viz : 15.41 per cent., the ratio for 1903 fell to 15.27 per cent., notwith- 
standing that there were large and satisfactory increases aU along the line." — The 
Chronicle, Jan. 28, 1904. 

Mutual Benefit Policies contain Special and Peculiar Advantages which are 
not combined in the Policies of any other Company. 

WILLIAM H. GRISWOLD, State A S ent * 4 °7-408 Union Trust Building 

L PROVIDENCE, R. I. 



P. E,. THAYER <S CO. 

Manufacturers and Wholesale Dealers in all kinds of 

'Brushes 

Jewelry and Machine Brushes a Specialty 
Telephone 248. Office, 22 East Avenue, PAWTUCKET, R. I. 






The J904 Republican 



IF 



you want a Speech printed, 
or a Report, or a Catalogue, 
or anything else, send it to 



E. L. Freeman & Sons 



Central Falls, R. I. 



Not the Best, or the Biggest, 

or the Cheapest printers in the 

land, but good, all-round and 

square people to deal 

with. 




Good facilities, lots of experience, 
and a strong desire to please. If 
you do not deal with us now, we 
would be glad of a trial. 

Providence Office, 3 Westminster Street 



The J904 Republican 



New England and Goalinga 

©il Company 



High -Grade Crude Oil. 

Property at Coalinga, Fresno County, California. 

Capital, small. Charter, broad. 

Management and Outlook, good. 

You will not make a mistake if you call, 

or send for prospectus. 

Offices, 836 and 837 Banigan Building 
Providence, R. I. 



Tillingha^t' 



Lunch Room 



and Restaurant 



33> 37> 39> Westminster Street 

Ladies Entrance, 33 Westminster Street 



L. A. TlLLINGHAST 



PROVIDENCE, R. I. 



H. B. LOCKWOOD 

Roofings Concrete , Asphalt 
and Granolithic Work 



115 Wentworth Avenue 

Edgewood R. I. Telephone 

Gravel Banks and Storehouses, Park Avenue 



P. O. Box 816 
Providence, R. I 



The *9(M Republican 






OUR NATION 

Was built upon a foundation 
which embraced the principles of 

Honesty, Truth and Liberalism 

Which is to-day so firmly 
cemented that its strength is 

GIBRALTIAN 

WTTZT at the start of our now recognized 
'•-. position in this State as the leading 
piano dealers took for our foundation 
these three principles — 

Clean Methods! Honest Prices! Courteous Treatment! 

Which has made a reputation 
for us which is so firmly en- 
trenched that it is unassailable 

JOSEPH M. MANN PIANO GO. 

MANN HALL, 347 WESTMINSTER ST., PROVIDENCE 

NEW YORK WOONSOCKET 

The Frank G. Rowley Company 
Contractors ana Builders 



Heavy Construction 161 Main Street 

a Specialty Pawtucket, R. I. 



The J904 Republican 



Uhe Netoman, 



FRED MANSFIELD 
Proprietor 



18=28 Jiborn St., Providence, K.. I. 

EUROPEAN PLAN ALL MODERN CONVENIENCES 

Rooms, $1.00 and upwards per day 








First - Class 




Restaurant 




with 




a la Carte 


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and 




Table d'Hote 


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Service 




with Music 




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Rooms with Bath 




and 


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en buLic 


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After -Theatre 




Parties 




a Specialty 







OCT 29 1904 



The 1904 Republican 



Uhe Merchants 
National Bank 

Providence, R. I. 

Established 1818 

ROYAL C. TAFT, President MOSES J. BARBER, Cashier 

SAMUEL R. DORRANCE, Vice-President FRANK A. GREENE, Assistant Cashier 




Capital 
$1,000,000 



Surplus 

Earnings 

over 

$500,000 



Interest Paid on Current Accounts 

United States Depositary 
A Depositary for the City of Providence 



20 Westminster Street 







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